THE FUZZY SACREDNESS AURA AND CYBER-BASED DA’WAH Redrawing Karamah of Tuan Guru within The Belief System of Sasak Muslims

: This article examines Sasak Muslims’ belief in tuan guru’ s karamah (charisma) in the midst of the emerging trend of cyber da‘wah . Findings illustrate that Sasak Muslims have repeatedly recognized that tuan guru’ s charisma becomes an important consideration for their respect and obedience to ‘ ulama > and are of great significance for da'wah. Accordingly, they have remained in favour of lived- da‘wah practices compared to the online ones. There are two facets that frame the underlying rationales of the findings. First, not all Islamic rituals and da‘wah activities can be transformed into the digital realm because da‘wah has complexity of concepts and meanings embedded within any Islamic rituals that would be difficult to be reproduced into internet medium. Second, da ’ wah through digital platforms lead people to feel less auratic experience as normally they can through in-person da‘wah activities.


Introduction
Although it necessitates Islamic preachers to have both substantive and methodological competencies of da'wah (proselytising), 1 possessing supernatural qualities that endow them with an aura of sacredness such as karamah (miracles) and kesekten (extra ordinary power) is considerably required 2 within the Indonesian traditionalist Muslims in particular. Indeed, in the historiography of Indonesian Islam, da'wah actors such as wali Sanga, kiai, tuan guru, ajengan, and 'ulama> (Muslim scholars) were often associated with various sacred stories.
Examples can be cited here. Kiai Abbas Buntet, for example, conducted da'wah by teaching kanoragan (supernatural power), kekebalan (invulnerability), kesekten (extra ordinary power) to his disciples to fight against the invaders (penjajah) after gaining religious knowledge from Mecca and several Islamic boarding schools in Java. Also, within Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) tradition, kiai As'ad Syamsul Arifin of Situbondo, East Java, was believed to be a wali> of Allah, who was given supernatural powers and karomah. Tuan Guru Haji (TGH) Muhammad Zainuddin Abdul Majid and TGH Mutawali were the early generation of Tuan Guru in Lombok who were considered as resembleing wali> , possessing mystical power. 3 However, in the last two decades, the Indonesian Muslims have undergone a new trend in conducting religious proselytising. Many 'ulama> have created virtual da'wah channels with a broad reach to convey the messages of Islam to audiences. For instance, Usta> dh Abdul Shomad, Ustadz Adi Hidayat, Buya Yahya, Gus Nur (Sugi Nur Raharja), Felix Shiauw, Hanan Al-Taki, and Gus Baha (Bahauddin Nur Salim). There are some virtual da'wah pages that have been popular, followed by more than milion users in any social media channels such as Aswaja Yellow Book, Ideological Da'wah, Kaffah Islamic Community, Smart da'wah, Ngaji Online Aswaja, Fodamara, and Akhyar TV Indonesia. The virtual da'wah channels also often broadcast religious rituals and preachings through livestreaming video with direct feedback.
This contemporary situation certainly affects the formation of religious knowledge system, culture, and authority which is subsumed under traditional or charismatic authority. This is because the transmission and circulation of Islamic texts through a variety of cybermedia on the Muslim world have expanded the number of people who can directly conduct a dialogue with the text that could terminate between the world-renowned mystic figures who lived at that time such as Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, M. Abdul Qadir al-Jilani, Najmuddin al-Kubra, Abu Hasan al-Syadzili, and Abdullah al-Syattari and the mystic traditions which are exist in Indonesia up till present day; that is, the Qadiriyah tariqat refers to M. Abdul Qadir al-Jilani, the Kubrawiyah tariqat, the Naqsabandiya tariqat refers to Abu Hasan al-Syadzili, and the al-Syattari refers to  Additionally, the influence of the Sufism tradition in Indonesia can be traced back from the works of Acehnese Sufis as written by Hamzah Fansuri, Shamsuddin Pasai, and Nuruddin Arraniry from Samudra Pasai. 9 Many kinds of literature on Sufism have stated that Sufism traditions are often dealing with the wali> . 10 They are regarded those who have achieved the perfect knowledge of God (ma'rifa), have obtained divine power from God (quwwah ilāhiyya), and have had karamah 11 because of their proximity to Allah. Regarding to this tradition, karamah is commonly utilised for an indicative of a person's sainthood 12 as well as to help Islamic saints in obtaining the purposes of proselytising (da'wah), namely attracting a number of people to convert to Islam. 13 It can be seen form some footprints of wali sanga 8 Samsul Munir Amin, Sejarah Peradaban Islam (Jakarta: Amzah, 2015), 31-113. 9 Harun Nasution, Falsafah dan Mistisisme dalam Islam (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1992), 56. 10 The word wali> is taken from the Arabic language wala, with the plural form of awliya which means qaraba, that is near. See Louis Ma'luf al-Abb, al-Munjid (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1937), 1061. According to the Javanese tradition, wali> is a title for those that are regarded sacred. See Ensiklopedi Indonesia (Bandung: Ikhtiar Baru van Hoeve, n.d), 1417. 11 Karamah is superhuman and supernatural powers are given to saint spoken of by Muslim lexicographers as kha> riq al-'a> dat (things contrary to custom) which in turn has made him very different from society at large. The notion of karamah differs from that of, mu'jizah. A mu'jizah (plural mu'jiza> t) is attributed only to the Prophet, while a karamah is attributed to saints. See A.J. Wensinck, "Mu'djiza," Encyclopaedia of Islam 7 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1993), 295. In terms of karamaht al-awliya' (marvels of wali> ), in sufims tradition, it is as a mark of honour for confirming him in piety and God-fearing reverence. These karamah include prediction of the future, interpretations of the secrets of the heart, and miraculous happenings. See L Gardet, "Karâma," Encyclopaedia of Islam 4 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978), 615. 12 Muslih Al-Maraqi, an-Nur al-Burhani fi Tarjamah al-Lujain ad-Dani (Semarang: Toha Putra, 1962a in doing da'wah toward Javanese kings. The manuscript Piwulang of Sunan Kalijaga, for instance, representatively represented saint's teachings containing 60 mantras (spells) which taught to the Sultan of Kraton (Sultan's Palace) Pajang, the second Sinuhun Kangjěng Pangeran Pugěr in Kraton of Mantaram, the third and the fourth Susuhunan Pakubuwono (ruler of Surakarta), and to Kanjeng Panembahan Senapati in Mataram Kingdom. 14 These mantras were about dzikr (remembrance) to become invulnerable and a powerful person; to have ability to jump over rivers, to disappear (not seen by anyone), to sharp objects, to fly when surrounded by enemies, to get a blessing from God, to get respect from others, and to pray when meeting enemies or wild animals, and so forth. 15 Another evident is a popular recount of Kiai Abbas Buntet, who was considered having kedigdayaan (extra ordinary power) during his lifetime. Kiai Abbas was not only well-known as an established scholar ('a> lim), but he also regarded being able to work miracles (karamah). When the battle of Surabaya in 10 th of November 1945 occurred, Kiai Abbas attacked the enemies by pelting them with handfuls of sand, which made them run away. It was also told that Kiai Abbas could go to Surabaya from Cirebon with just one beat (hentakan kaki). 16 For da'wah purposes, karamah al-awliya' is not only has an important role in converting people to Islam, but it is also useful to lead bad individuals (orang nakal) to the right path of God. Study conducted by Jamhari concerning on the veneration of wali> and holy persons in tarekat Istighasthat Ihsaniyyat has revealed that through gemblengan-a form of invulnerability by which he transferred a spiritual powerthey became invulnerable to sharp objects, fire and bullets. The leader of the order, Gus Abdul Latif, succeeded to lead bad people (orang nakal) to the right path and return to the path of God.

The Social Reality of Tuan Guru and Islamic Proselytising
In the Eastern Indonesian island of Lombok, tuan guru is akin to both 'ulama> (spiritual leaders) and usta> dh (Muslim religious teachers), much like kiai in Java. 18 Tuan guru is conceived as knowledgeable person from whom people learn Islamic teachings and as a person who is belived to inherit prophecy (waratha al-anbiya) which enables him to give a divine blessing (barakah). 19 Researches have illustrated that generally tuan guru is spiritually and intellectually very different from people at large. Fahrurrozi's study indicated five criteria for those who are regarded as tuan guru; first, having broad Islamic knowledge; second, having expertise in reading classical texts of the various Islamic disciplines (kitab kuning) third, having heredity; fourth, having great pious; fifth having number of santri. 20 Meanwhile, Jamaludin proposed three conditions for those who are regarded as tuan gurus, first, they have extensive knowledge about Islam and its various teachings because tuan guru becomes the main interpreter of religious texts amongst the Sasak Muslims. Second, they have studied with established scholars (alim-ulama) in the Middle East, especially Haramain, namely Mecca and Medina. Third, they obtain recognition from Muslims. Forth, they possess karamah (marvels). 21 In this sense, tuan guru is not only considered as a knowledgeable and pious person, but also a sacred individual endowed with karamah. 22 It is a truism to contend that tuan guru is regarded as having karamah (marvels) as often found within Sasaknese's folklore and local muslim stories up until currently. As a sacred story of Tuan Guru, Muhammad Rais is one of marvel-related tales. It was told that Tuan Guru Muhammad Rais got message in a dream to take a book (kitab) in segare (sea). Then Tuan Guru Rais went for fishing with a villager from Tanjung Karang to the sea near with Loang Baloq. Not likely to happen, the villager got many fishes and seemed the fish constantly eat up the 18 Jeremy J. Kingsley, "Peace-makers or Peace-Breakers? Provincial Elections and Religious Leadership in Lombok, Indonesia," Indonesia 93 (2012), 53-82. 19 Ibid. 20 Fahrurrozi, "Tuan Guru antara Idealitas Normatif dengan Realitas Sosial pada Masyarakat Lombok," Jurnal Penelitian Keislaman 7, 1 (2010), 221-250. 21 Jamaluddin, "Islam Sasak: Sejarah Sosial Keagamaan Masyarakat Sasak Abad XVI-XIX," Jurnal Indo-Islamika 1, 1 (2011), 63-88. 22 Putrawan, Dekramatisasi Tuan Guru, 284-295.

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Volume 14 , Number 02, December 2020 bait at that time. Meanwhile Tuan Guru Rais looked patiently waiting for his bait to be eaten by fish. After a few minutes, Rais seemed to lift his fishing rod, and apparently what he got was a book. Soon after that, he said goodbye to the villagers to go home, because he had already got something he had been waiting for a long time ago." 23 Unreasonable actions were also conducted by Tuan Guru Achmad, well known as tuan guru Ret Tet Tet. He was often regarded doing things contrary to custom (khāriq al-'ādah) because he was able to miraculously disappear. Once upon time, when one of villagers passed away and burried in Sekarbela, Tuan Guru Ret Tet Tet came late. Then one of his discilpes asked the reason why he came late. Tuan Guru Ret Tet Tet answered: "I had just come from consolation (ta'ziya) in Bagdad". Another sacred story conducted by Tuan Guru Haji (TGH) Ret Tet Tet was when he disguised himself as a beggar. At that time, people often found TGH Ret Tet Tet in a bus station and traditional market, Cakra Negara, to take some sellers' stufs, then he gave to other people who need them by saying "sedekah-sedekah (donation)." Once, in Central Lombok, he disguised himself as a beggar, begging every citizen he met in a village in Central Lombok. But none of them gave money, after the beggar left, the village was on fire. 24 In addition, another supernatural phenomena (kha> riq al-'ādah), like kiai in Java, tuan guru also has what is called ilmu laduni, that is knowledge acquired without learning. 25 The sacred belief of this sort has remained alive amongst Sasaknese Muslim up to present day. Some participants of this study firmly believe that tuan guru has supernatural powers and karamah. For example, Rahmatulloh, one of the interviewee, told that once he came and asked for help Tuan Guru Haji Ridwanullah, the leader of Islamic Boarding School Darussalam Beremi Desa Darussalam in Gerung District West Lombok, to set up for rain-delay when he was holding hajatan (ceremony): When I held a nyongkolan ceremony using Gendang Belek on Sundays, I went to see Tuan Guru Haji Ridwanullah, the leader of 23  Usually, tuan guru requires the disciples to do wirid (quotes from the specified the Quran to be read after prayer) in order to meet their needs or to get kesakten (extra ordinary power) through the process of ija> zah (direct authentication and certification from kyai or tuan guru to his disciples). Sulhan Ahmad said that he has received ija> zah from Tuan Guru Mawe to do a certain wirid to get a peaceful protection from witchcraft or black magic forces as well as robbers and thieves, as follows: "I feel at peace and have not been scared to robbers or thieves, and I am not afraid anymore of the black magic force that haunts me all the time." 27 Further, Ahmad coined that for those who received ija> zah from tuan guru should take note of any specific instructions pertaining the way to implement wirid. Consequently, the disciples become more consistent in implementing the Islamic teachings and performing the five times daily prayers on time. 28 Similarly, Musthofa and Abdul Majid acknowledged that they attempted to implement the tuan guru's spiritual advices in order to get blessing and reposefulness from God.
"..when we received amalan (specified instruction to do) and bacaan (reading quotes from the specified the Quran) that required to be recited after doing a certain prayer, for instance, so we have to completely implement as what was instructed. Otherwise we do not get reposefulness from Allah." 29 Amak Muhaidi, a religious leader as well as a head of dusun (an administrative division form below village), also said that he felt insecure because of a threat of witchcraft, black magic, and thieves if he did not hold kekebalan (invulnerability power) from tuan guru. 30 Likewise, Iskandar, a disciple of Tuan Guru Abd Rauf in the Center of Lombok, admitted that consistently recited wirid given by his tuan guru in order to get blessing, reposefulness, and protection from Allah Swt. Accordingly, it would be easier to bring bad people (orang nakal) to 26  the right part of Allah if tuan guru or kiai has invulnerability and ability to win the battle on witchcraft. 31 Moreover, to get blessing, for those who are fanatic with the tuan guru, they will keep tuan gurus' photos in wallets and cars that can be brought everywhere or displayed in the walls of houses as a talisman. 32 With this regard, having such human resources, tuan guru has respected position and religious legitimacy for conducting da'wah toward Sasak society wherein religious observance, piety, and supernatural ability are of great significance . . 33 Drawing on Weber's perspective, it is understandable that many of tuan guru and kiai have charismatic authority 34 since they are deemed the holder of divine authority, including through karamah.

Authenticity and Sanctity: Sasak Muslim's Response to Virtual Da'wah
Although the proliferation of institutional online feeds for da'wah purposes changes the way of many Muslim learning the Islam, it seems does not completely fit to Sasak Muslim in the sense that that not all of them are interested using social media, YouTube channel in particular, in learning Islam. Some participants of this study asserted that da'wah is conveying religious teaching through verbal sermon and goodly model (uswatun h} asanah), therefore, people not only need the normative message (taus} iyah) but also exemplary approaches (uswah). However, YouTube channel and other social media are regarded just offer audio-visual content of religious preaching and do not cover the preachers' real-life attitude as a goodly model. "Being physically present in offline da'wah allows believers to know Muslim clerics' moral qualities and magnetic personalities". 35 Lalu Mahdan Badiaktar, one of interviewee, stated that physical da'wah not only sets a good model for the followers but it enables them to feel the sacredness aura of tuan guru that is likely to produce deep impression.
"Physical da'wah provides qualitatively different religious experience and generates emotional impression compared to online da'wah. It is like attending live music concert compared to watching music on TV screen. Direct interaction with musicians in live music performance would convey a deep impression and emotional satisfaction" 36 . This is relevant to Abdur Rozaki's research result that revealed physical appearance is one of sources of kiai's charismatic power such as a large body, loud voice, and sharp eyes called as given charisma from God, besides engineering process like the extended religious knowledge, sincerity, and integrity. 37 Like kiai in Java, tuan guru occupies an elite, respectable position, and social standing within Lombok Muslim community. The data from this study showed that the position of tuan guru in the midst of digital Sasak Muslims has remained very respectable and still became the ultimate source of guidance for social-religious matters. However, there is a general recognition of Sasak Muslim society that tuan guru structure is hierarchical, namely the "scared tuan guru" those who are regarded having karamah (marvel or supernatural quality) and "ordinary tuan guru" who only teach the Quran and convey religious teachings to the believers.
In regard to this reality, all interviewees of this study repeatedly acknowledge tuan guru's charisma, blessing, and karamah as disciples' main consideration for respect and obedience. Some come to see sacred tuan guru not only for attending religious gathering, but also for particular purposes such as asking for prayer to reject any disasters, to avoid black magics, to get a bottled mineral water for healing, to 35  determinate good times, good days, and good months before taking some important activities, or asking for morality advices. 38 Therefore, "Lombok people more respect to the sacred of tuan guru than those who are not. Even the sacred tuan guru is easier to gain wider recognition." 39 Consequently, the disciples are also convinced that the prayer delivered by the "sacred tuan guru" is more efficacious than the "unsacred" one as well as the quality of spiritual healing. "This is because the sacred tuan guru has stronger senses and supernatural power from God." 40 Accordingly, it is undoubtedly that Muslim Sasak' view toward popular and famous Islamic preachers on social media or YouTube channel is not as respectable as tuan guru. Even though some participants of this study utilise hybridized space, that is, physical and the digital da'wah, they admit only access the credible da'wah institution channel or personal channel of famous preachers. Hasanaen Djuaini for example, he tends to access personal channel of da'i that is considered having expertise and extended knowledge in religious matters such as usta> dz Abdul Somad, usta> dh Adi Hidayat, and Quraish Shihab. Yet, he is not interested to access YouTube channel posted by the ordinary preachers.
However, according to interviewee, it is nothing can compete with the sacred tuan guru. Although famous asa> tidh (religious preachers) on YouTube channel have many followers throughout the world, Hasanaen Djuaini and Abdul Aziz, point out that the sacred tuan guru have remained possessing a higher prestigious position within Sasak Muslims, the sacred tuan guru in particular. Aziz illustrates this issue by making an analogy to the shaman that receive honored stratum in the midst society, "the more tuan guru who have extended-knowledge, pious, and sacred, therefore definitely the more they respected." 41 It is worth noting that another reason why Sasak Muslims in favor of physical da'wah is associated with karamah related-ritual matters such as ija> zah-giving ritual (a direct authentication and certification from tuan guru to his disciples). It is firmly believed that tuan guru have karamah which is likely to give blessing and virtue. As mentioned 38 Interview with Hasanaen Djuaini, June 30, 2020. 39 Interview with Abdul Aziz Fahmi, June 29, 2020. 40 Interview with with Lalu Mahdan Badiaktar, July 1, 2020. 41 Interview with Abdul Aziz Fahmi, June 29, 2020. above, some people come to see them for certain interest like to wish a sacred blessing (ngalap berkah), to get fortune, to and to avoid any catastrophes and black magic, so forth. In this regard, there is specific requirement and ritual that should be conducted pertaining to the process of ija> zahi-giving. Usually, tuan guru shake the disciples' hand while giving specific amalan (specified instruction to do) and wirid (reading quotes while rom the specified the Quran). Different purposes could have different rituals, as suggested in what follows: "It would be difficult to conduct the process of ija> zah-giving through social media or YouTube channel, and therefore not all religious activities can be conducted through online application." 42 In addition, all interviewee favor conventional da'wah over online because of social reasons in the sense that they can keep in touch with neighbors, family, and other Muslim colleagues directly, as well as tuan guru.
Conventional religious gathering (pengajian) benefits me not only increase my religious knowledge, but also give me the chance to keep in touch with neighbors, family, and society. Even I can ask and discuss religious related-issues directly that is difficult to find on YouTube channel. 43

The Fading of Sacred Realms in Virtual Da'wah
The proliferation of online religious proselytizing today has become a blessing and a great source of religious reference to many believers. These issues can be described by examining many researches from academics that have revealed the presence of various religious institutions' sites and personal accounts of religious leaders on social media that have transmitted essential information about Islamic teachings and tradition. 44  aimed to spread certain Islamic streams' schools of thought and interest. 45 It is worth noting that many religious institutions also have webcasted religious sermons, ritual activities, and sacred placed in livestreaming. 46 Correspondingly, academics asserted that new media have the unintended effect of warning charismatic authority that routinized through traditional forms of authority 47 because new media are democratic in terms of accessibility and availability for religious debate that is likely to radicalize a traditional culture of disputatious learning and argumentation. Accordingly, "the authority and legitimacy of information (in new media) cannot be subsumed under traditional or charismatic authority." 48 However, this study reports different finding regarding the existence of charismatic authority in the midst of the proliferation of cyber da'wah in the sense that Sasak Muslims in Lombok keep believing in tuan guru's karamah and consequently have ability to transmit barakah.
1-30. In regard with a description of social media used by religious leaders in Indonesia for da'wah purposes. See Dindin Solahudin and Moch Fakhruroji, "Internet and Islamic Learning Practices in Indonesia: Social Media, Religious Populism, and Religious Authority," Religions (2019), 1-12. 45 Asep's study found that Salafist stream has used websites to promote the ideology of the Salafi movement, to attack those who consider against their school of teachings, to spread their viewpoints of conpemporary issues, and to build networks both at the local and global level as a strategy to maintain the solidarity amongst followers. See Asep Muhammad Iqbal, "Agama dan Adopsi Media Baru: Penggunaan Internet oleh Gerakan Salafisme di Indonesia," Jurnal Komunikasi Indonesia 2, 2 (2013). 81-85. New media such as websites, facebook pages, blogspots, and twitter also become medium of voices for Shiite community in Indonesia to express their presence, movement, and thoughts as well as for the Sunnis and the Wahabi supporters. Rachmah  (HCII, 2007), 74-82. 47 Turner, Religious Authority and the New Media, 120. 48 Weber's conception of charisma is based on the personal appeal of an exceptional figure such as innate supranatural quality but is transformed through disciples' participation. Turner,Religious Authority and the New Media,120. Although religious information and sermons as well as ritual activities have mushroomed on the Internet, they do not have corroding impact to the charismatic authority of tuan guru as the religious experience and rituals webcasted on YouTube channel and other cybernetic spaces cannot adequately transmit the aura of holiness.
This finding can be examined through a discussion of Walter Benjamin's theory of aura grounded from his study of photography. Benjamin asserts that reproduced artworks, including live-streamed video, diminish and weaken an aura of the sacred: "Photography is reproductive by definition, and this interposes distance (an experiential discrepancy) between the authentic, inspiring original and its limitation, which diminishes its meaning." 49 Benjamin's assertion of a diminished meaning in replicated art is also evident in the finding of this study. The effort of many religious institutions and stakeholders those help religious leaders to reproduce religious rituals and preaching's through live-streamed video on YouTube, website, web-television, and other cybernetic spaces is not meaningful to distant and widely dispersed participants, namely Sasak Muslim community. Consequently, they are in favor of lived da'wah practice (offline da'wah), although some utilizes a hybrid space, that is both offline and online da'wah.
It is true that the emergence of cyber da'wah enables the rise of new religious authority promoted by lay preachers what Hoesterey calls "innovative claims of religious authority" 50 and by new preachers who lies their appeal in traditionalist scholars and Arab saints performance to be looked charismatic. However, these new types actually differ and cannot break the mold of charismatic authority which its source in the innate and exceptional qualities of an individual's personality. 51 With regard to those who are convinced with exceptional qualities of individual-based conception of charismatic authority, they do not lay the basis of religious authority merely on oratorical competence and appearance appeal, but also on devotional quality, including karamah. In this sense, reproducing a miraculous power and auratic religious experience through cybernetic space would be very complicated as 49  there are many dimensions of religious experiences and concepts that are interdependent and inseparable.
The tradition of kiai visitation (sowan) herein could become a good example. Sowan is muwajjaha (face-to-face meeting) between kiai or tuan guru and disciples in physical presence that usually intended to obtain barakah, and therefore well known as tabarrukan. 52 In this regard, the muwajjaha must take place physically, and cannot be done online because the physical presence (muwajjaha) in the sowan tradition indicates one's love expression and total obedience to kiai as heirs of prophets (waratha al-anbiya> ), even it signifies one's piety. Alongside sowan in the sense muwajjaha as face to face meeting is a central act of piety, it also signifies an essential relationship between the culted figure and followers, in its capacity to inspire awe and to feel an auratic existence of the sacred. Accordingly, it would be hard to accommodate these interdependence concepts embedded within sowan tradition into reproduced religious digital artworks (live-streamed video and webtelevision program) that enable to signify the authentic meaning of sowan, that is, total obedience and piety, as well as to awaken auratic religious experience of tabarrukan. It is arguably, that virtual religious objects which is comparable with photography diminish the aura of holiness and blurs the authentic meaning of religious rituals.
Another example is the ritual of giving ija> zah that means the transmission of knowledge from kiai to disciples as the indicative of permission, authorisation, and authentication. Basically, it is an extension of the tradition of isnad (a continuous historical transmission) for hadith. Subsequently this ija> zah tradition has developed not only for hadith, but also for any kind of Islamic knowledge transmissions such as history, law, theology, and mysticism, 53 even for the transmission of ritual practices. 54 Similar with the tradition of sowan, the ritual of giving ija> zah also has 52 Arif Jamhari, "The Majlis Dhikr of Indonesia: Exposition of Some Aspects of Ritual Practices," Journal of Indonesia Islam 3, 1 (2009), 144. See also "Sowan dan Mencium Tangan Kiai," https://islam.nu.or.id/post/read/39396/sowan-dan-mencium-tangan-kyai. 53  interrelation between one concept and others with regard to meaningmaking and auratic experience. For those who create video of religious preaching or ritual activities wired on website, youtube, and web-TV w instance, they have to make sure that auratic experience embedded within ija> zah, physically personal meeting, wirid, and riya> d} ah practice can be adequately reproduced into virtual reality and new media forms.
However, the participants of this study admitted that they accessed famous religious proselytisers (da> 'i) on YouTube is only intended to deepen the Islamic knowledge through provided video of speeches, but not to engage in online ritual, prayer, worship, meditation, what Helland called online religion. 55 The authenticity of religious practices has become a major reason for them not to embrace such online religion activities. This notion is relevant with Helland's idea of online religion that reveals "ritual activities and charismatic authority do not always transfer well into the Internet medium." 56 In other words, it is arguably, that the ability virtual reality of da'wah provided on new media forms up to present seems has remained disable to approximate the auratic experience, the sacred reality, and charismatic authority, including karamah of tuan guru.

Conclusion
In the midst of the emerging trend of cyber-based-da'wah that shows that most religious institutions and preachers use social media and other cybernetic spaces in religious propagation, this study has uncovered that not all Islamic rituals and da'wah activities can be transformed into the digital realm, in particular the Islamic tradition that engage people's belief in supernatural quality, charismatic authority, and karamah-related issues. Da'wah complexity of concepts and meaning embedded within a religious ritual has become main barrier in transforming lived-ritual practices into internet medium.
Indeed, the genuine meaning of 'tabarrukan' constructed from the interconnected-concepts (muwajjaha, prayer, total obedience, and piety in the tradition of sowan), for instance, would be hard to find in the reproduced digital creative artworks. Likewise, the tradition of sowan, in the case of ija> zah-giving ritual, the problem of the disappearance of

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Volume 14 , Number 02, December 2020 sacredness aura has become a major reason of the Sasak Muslims' denial to bring this religious ritual online. They will not feel an auratic experience when the ritual takes place online as normally they can have through being physically present. It is worth noting that religious rituals which involve disciples' belief in karamah and charismatic authority of established Muslim scholars offer a mode of da'wah that enables believers to obtain spiritual experiences which are absent in virtual da 'wah. []