EDUCATING ISLAMIC VALUES THROUGH WIWITAN TRADITION

: Javanese traditions such as wiwitan have often been perceived as being rooted in Hindu and Buddhist culture, and thus syncretic in nature. As the Javanese people have increasingly emphasized rational–functional values, and as orthodox (Islam as represented by santri has become more mainstream), these traditions have been transformed, allowing the ritual wiwitan to become Islamic tradition, expressing gratitude, alms, family, and tolerance. This article explores the educating processes of Islamic values through wiwitan tradition. Data are collected through observations, interviews, and focus group discussions. The analyses use a descriptive and interpretative approach. The findings have revealed that the wiwitan tradition by East Java's farmers is not a syncretic tradition, as commonly argued, but rather has experienced two important transformations. First, it has become more Islamic as an orthodoxy has become mainstream in Java. Second, the wiwitan tradition has a socio-religious purpose of providing a cultural space for divine ( ila > hiy > ah ) and humanitarian (insa > ni > yah) values. Wiwitan has thus offered a means of educating Islamic values, because it contains the values of shukr , s } adaqah , kinship, and tolerance.


Introduction
Owing to its use of various offerings, the wiwitan tradition practiced by the farmers of East Java has often been misunderstood as a non-Islamic practice (shirk). 1 During this ritual, farmers 1 Shirk is an Islamic terminology which means associating Allah with others (beings), see Ahmad bin Muhammad Ály al-Fayoumy, Al-Misbah Al-Mounir, Mu'jam Áraby-Áraby (Libanon: Nasyirun, 2001), 114. leave offerings in the rice fields and recite Javanese-language prayers (rather than Arabic-language prayers, as in Islamic practice). However, this agrarian ritual-strongly rooted in local traditionhas religious importance and relevance amongst farmers. It is through this ritual that agro-ecological order is created, and the social economy is driven; as such, it is a core part of social harmony. As previous scholars have shown, such rituals are complexly interrelated with various aspects of social life. 2 Agricultural rituals do not exist within a vacuum but are dialectically connected with their practitioners' physical and mental environment (i.e. their structure and culture). Generally, studies of agricultural rituals have focused on three dimensions: first, the cognitive dimensions on how the world is conceptualized and perceived; 3 second, the evaluative dimensions, the values, practices, and interactions that demonstrate them; 4 and third, the symbolic aspects which include the material expressions involved in the ritual. 5 Studies have thus emphasized the social function of agricultural rituals. Few have examined local rituals such as wiwitan within the context of Islamic education and its values of divinity (ila> hi> yah) and humanitarianism (insa> ni> yah), even though such rituals reflect the values of their society. 6 This article seeks to clarify the link between wiwitan, an agrarian ritual, and Islamic education. Although rituals have important religious value and offer a basis for creating social harmony, their culture, as well as determinants of local livelihoods. 9 Duangta et al., regard the tradition as the knowledge that originates from the collective experiences that are propagated, maintained, and passed inter-generationally within a community. Traditions have deep historical roots, having developed over time, and become part of local culture. 10 Studies of the link between Islam and tradition have generally combined Islamic studies with sociology and anthropology. Others, meanwhile, have examined the social interactions and tendencies of Muslim societies. They recognize Islam and its development as being inexorably linked with local cultural contexts. Indeed, these may coexist within the same rituals and ceremonies. In such cases, it is difficult to determine whether local traditions fail to reflect Islamic values or whether Islam has been shaped by local traditions. According to Syawaludin, the religious practices of the Indonesian Archipelago have been shaped by centuries of religious life, and as such the history of Islam cannot be separated from the spiritual culture that existed before Islam's arrival. Islam in Indonesia has thus been influenced by cultural and religious values. 11 Cultural influence on religious values has not solely affected the practices of Muslims and Muslim organizations. Take, for example, the subak tradition of the Balinese, a system that is incorporated into the teachings of tri hita karana. 12  greatly influences the Islamic practice of Balinese people. 13 Similarly, the Baduy of West Java has used fire and clear cutting to make fields (huma), reducing the threat of forest fires and landslides in the area. 14 Local tradition seeks to enable individuals to become competent members of a cultural group, sharing the identity, language, rituals, and values of their community. 15 Enculturation can occur through individuals' interactions with their family and communities, through their access to their cultural heritage, through their shared ethnic and cultural identity, and their traditional values. 16 The concepts of acculturation and enculturation are evident in their values, their acceptance of local tradition, and their social interactions. 17 Yoshihama identifies enculturation as consisting of three components: behavior, values, and social participation. 18 Enculturation often occurs amongst migrants who, when traveling abroad, bring their cultural practices with them. 19 Enculturation is often identified as the socialization of cultural practices and the transmission of values and norms.  3-4 (2014), 249-260. 19 Marcelo Suárez-Orozco and Carola Suárez-Orozc, "Migration between and within countries: Implications for families and acculturation," The Oxford Handbook of Human Development and Culture: An Interdisciplinary Perspective 97, 4 (2015), 8-14. defines enculturation as a process through which individuals learn and embrace the norms, values, and customs of their community, and through which they develop their behaviors, attitudes, perspectives, communication skills, social interactions, and ethnic identities. 20 This is closely associated with acculturation, which is defined as the socialization of culture to mainstream society. Although acculturation and enculturation are independent processes, they may occur simultaneously. 21 Local wisdom can potentially provide similar values to Islamic education. Islamic education conveys values and ideals that are derived from Islamic, as well as understandings of worldly phenomena. 22 As such, Talbani in Saada & Gross writes that Islamic education-as with all forms of education-can be influenced by ideologies such as secularism, modernization, Islamization, and radicalization. 23 Roslan and Malim define Islamic education as the planned and conscious effort to teach people to understand, recognize, and value God (taqwa> ) and faith (i> ma> n) while practicing Islamic values in their everyday lives. 24 Such an education, drawing from the Quran and the Hadith, may be provided through guidance and training. Students are thus taught to apply Islamic values in their everyday lives while still respecting other faiths and creating peace and harmony. It is therefore necessary for building character and regulating interpersonal relations. 25 The scope of Islamic education includes all Islamic teaching and learning activities that are in the family, school, and community education. For this reason, the study of Islamic education includes the substance or content of education, methodology, institutional systems, and socio-economic functions of Islamic educational institutions. Tafsir reveals that the map of study and the scope of Islamic education encompasses education in the family (physical, mind, and heart), education in society (physical, mind, and heart), education in schools. Each component at least discusses objectives, education, students, materials, methods, tools, and evaluation. 26 Muhaimin expresses his more comprehensive thoughts on the map of studies and the scope of Islamic education. He introduces two maps of study or the scope of Islamic education, namely: first, Islamic education is an education system that is deliberately organized to realize Islamic teachings and values. 27 In its implementation in Indonesia, Islamic education can at least be grouped into five types, namely: (1) Islamic boarding schools or madrasah di> niyah; (2) madrasah and further education such as State Islamic University, Institute, or Colleges under the Ministry of Religious Affairs; (3) kindergarten/raudlatul athfal/bustanul athfal, (4) Islamic religious education (PAI) at schools/madrasahs/tertiary institutions as subjects or subjects, and/or as study programs, and (5) Islamic education in families or places of worship, and/or in forums recitation, majlis taklim (nonformal religious learning), and other institutions such as recitation, arisan (family gathering), and others that are currently being promoted by the community. In other words, Islamic education can be implemented through formal, non-formal, and informal education channels. 28 Second, Islamic education is an educational system that is developed from and inspired or imbued with Islamic teachings and values. In this second sense, Islamic education can include (1) educators/teachers/lecturers, principals of madrasah/schools or leaders of higher education institutions and/or other education 26 Ahmad Tafsir personnel who carry out and develop educational activities that are motivated or inspired by and/or strive to realize teachings. and Islamic values or (2) educational institutions and their components, such as objectives, teaching materials/materials, facilities and infrastructure, learning tools/media/resources, learning methods (processes), evaluation, environment/context, management, and others, what are driven or inspired by Islamic teachings and values, or are characterized by Islam. 29 Educating Islamic values need curriculum design that consists of four substantial components: creativity, reflexivity, cooperation, and responsibility. 30 It is intended to teach children to understand and practice Islamic values while believing its teachings and appreciating their contribution to their lives. Waghid writes that Islamic education can be best understood through three interrelated concepts: tarbiyah (raising or nurturing), ta'li> m (learning), and ta'di> b (meeting needs). 31 Three perspectives have been used to understand Islamic education: Islamic education as madrasah (formal education institution), 32 Islamic education as part of political Islam; 33 and Islamic education as a means of promoting multiculturalism. 34 Such education is provided both by schools and mosques, which seek to improve students' religious skills and understandings. So that this effort can be successful, it can be done by developing routine activities, spontaneous activities, modeling, and habituation. Using local culture as a media in educating Islamic values, this article discusses wiwitan tradition and make it as focus of study in presenting the Islamic education values through local tradition.

The Wiwitan Tradition in East Java
Wiwitan is a harvest ritual held by the farmers of Kediri, East Java, before the harvest. Usually, the ritual is conducted in the rice fields and involves 5-10 participants; more may be involved, depending on the economic situation of the owner. During this ritual, which is intended to show gratitude to God and express desire for a good harvest, an elder or religious figure leads participants in praying to God Almighty. Sometimes they burn incense, spray fragrances, or place offerings around the field. After prayers are completed, participants return home with a bundle of food: rice, chicken, and snacks. Woodward suspects that this wiwitan activity is the same as nercha activity in Kerala, the region of South India. 35 During the ritual, landowners package food with takir (bananaleaf boxes) and place it within a jodhang (open basket). These packages consist of rice (cooked plain, savory, or in coconut milk), fried/spiced chicken, sambal (chili paste), urap-urap (steamed vegetables seasoned with shaved coconut), cooked egg, and yellow/white noodles. Landowners also prepare tumpeng (cooked rice shaped into a cone and served with various side dishes) and chicken ingkung, which is shared amongst participants once the ritual is completed. The jodhang is carried by two adults to the field, as are offerings such as cok bakal (woven flowers placed in a small basket). Offerings are gathered in one location, where participants subsequently pray congregationally. The takir is subsequently divided amongst participants. This series of rituals is a Javanese tradition of finding harmony and tranquility in the world, which in Javanese belief is a mirror of supernatural reality. 36 Central to this ritual are prayers that express participants' desire for salvation and good fortune. Before the 1980s, prayers were led by elders or 'ulama> (Islamic scholars), who initiated the ritual with a Javanese-language prayer and concluded it with an Arabic-language prayer. 37 The content of these prayers was essentially the same: a request that God grant salvation, a good harvest, and abundant food. Such prayers were accompanied by the burning of incense and the placement of flowers around the field. However, since the death of Mbah Wongso 38 -the village elder-the practice has changed. Now, the wiwitan ritual is led by religious leaders, who generally use prayers in Arabic that convey a wish for worldly salvation and an end, not just a special affair with the harvest. Although essentially the meaning of prayer in Javanese and Arabic is the same because prayer in Javanese also takes the essence of Islamic teachings, 39 prayer in Arabic gives the impression of the loss of syncretism in the wiwitan ritual.

Islamic Values in the Wiwitan Tradition
The 1980s was an important decade for the wiwitan tradition in Kediri, East Java. Previously, the ritual had been syncretic, combining elements of Islam with animistic teachings. 40 45-59. this time, residents begin to study at pesantren (Islamic boarding schools), thus introducing more orthodox beliefs into the religious practices of the community. Over time, syncretism gives way to a moderate Islam to incorporate both ila> hi> yah and insa> ni> yah values. 41 This moderate Islam is mostly represented by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), one of the Islamic organizations that since the beginning has promoted moderate ideas of Islamalong with its contextual understanding. 42 The local community understands shukr (gratitude) and s} adaqah (charity) as having divine values, as positively affecting their relationship with God. Thanksgiving rituals such as wiwitan, thus, provide a sense of mental and spiritual satisfaction. They believe that, by doing these rituals and giving alms, they will receive God's blessings (barakah). 43 However, they have different approaches to articulating their sense of shukr and their giving of s} adaqah. These approaches are informed by their economic situation and their cognizance of the religious meaning of shukr and s} adaqah. Some express gratitude and charity solely through oral means, expressing happiness without providing any material contributions. Others articulate their gratitude and charity by distributing their wealth through rituals at home, in the field, in prayer rooms, or in mosques. Still, others articulate their gratitude and charity through their actions, through their grateful and charitable deeds. They may help others harvest their rice, or build their homes, or build or clean mosques, or clean public places. 41 Muhaimin and Abdul Mujib, Pemikiran Pendidikan Islam (Bandung: Trigenda Karya, 1993) The wiwitan tradition also contains insa> ni> yah values, thereby shaping interpersonal relations. Particularly prominent are the values of family and tolerance. Local farmers believe that the wiwitan tradition can strengthen kinship bonds, and as such promote cooperation, collaboration, and security-both in times of happiness and times of sorrow. The wiwitan ritual treats all participants as equal, no matter their social class or economic status; all participants sit, cross-legged, atop a rattan mat, and eat the same food. Even persons of different faiths are invited, not for prayer but to show humanitarian values. Togetherness and harmony are therefore guaranteed.
There has frequently been debate in the community regarding wiwitan, not its essence but its form and processes. All agree that, essentially, the wiwitan tradition incorporates values of shukr, s} adaqah, kinship, and tolerance. However, they disagree about whether its practices are rooted in religious teachings. Some understand wiwitan as compatible with Islamic teachings, and its processes as being acceptable from a religious perspective. Others believe that the wiwitan tradition can only be accepted when its practice, timing, and place are correct. Only when religious leaders become involved are such debates resolved, or when the wiwitan ritual is practiced in the appropriate place and at the appropriate time. Religious and cultural values must be brought into harmony, creating a tradition that does not violate Islamic doctrine. 44 Many religious groups have identified all Javanese traditions (including wiwitan) as being rooted in Hindu and Buddhist culture, and thus syncretic in their practice. Although this view is not entirely incorrect, the empirical analysis must also recognize the substantial elements of such rituals. Wiwitan must be understood comprehensively, not partially, by combining an esoteric and exoteric approach. An esoteric approach would provide an understanding of its substance, while an exoteric approach would provide an understanding of its tangible elements (including its structure and practices). These approaches are mutually complementary; ignoring one would mean failing to understand the ritual. By combining the esoteric and exoteric approaches, misunderstandings of the wiwitan tradition will vanish on their own. MacFarlane writes that cultural relativism is necessary to produce shared understandings about traditions. 45 The wiwitan tradition, being deeply embedded in its practitioners' everyday lives, has both cultural and sociological meaning. 46 Sociologically, wiwitan may be perceived as an important social obligation, one that provides social recognition and status. The wealthy are recognized and respected by their community for regularly holding the ritual, and identified as socially pious. This implies that involvement in the wiwitan tradition brings with it respect. Village administrators and wealthy residents often hold luxurious rituals, providing good variety and nutrition to participants. As such, the wiwitan tradition has changed over time, as its society has transformed.
Ritually, the tradition is getting faded over time. However, substantially, until now, it is still maintained with a load of Islamic content, from food serving to prayer. This tradition is not only carried out by the abangan community, but also by the Islamic santri community in general. People still believe that expressing shukr and s} adaqah are noble Islamic values and must be implemented in life. With these two values, they are sure that their sustenance will be blessings and benefits. Blessings and benefits of fortune will always be sought after by all Muslims because it is useless if the economic activity does not have a blessing value. Meaningful blessings always increase 47 and meaningful benefits lead a person to a calm life, avoid bad behavior, and understand others. 48 For that, blessings and benefits of sustenance will increase one's welfare in life.
Initially, efforts to shift the wiwitan tradition from rice fields to houses, mosques, or prayer rooms were also rejected, especially the lay community or the abangan. They think that this shift violates the rules of their ancestors that they have followed for decades. This condition has led to several comments stating that people who violate their traditions of life will not be calm and prosperous. Slowly but surely, Islamic leaders among moderate santri provided a rational understanding of this wiwitan tradition, so that people who initially refused wiwitan were moved to their homes, mosques, or prayer rooms then accepted gracefully. This is the importance of local wisdom in preaching for religious leaders or according to Wiwik Setiyani as the Kiai Kampung or according to Martin van Bruinessen referred to as community kiai because they have extraordinary religious authority whose fatwa> 's tend to be followed by the community. 49 They do not have to drift away from tradition but also do not convey religious teachings textually with strict truth claims. This is where a contextual religious attitude is needed in facing the heterogeneity of society with all its traditions. Thus the messages of Islam can be easily accepted by all levels of society, without having to cause social conflict.
Over time, expressions of shukr and s} adaqah are not done with salvation or wiwitan in the fields, but are done at home and also in mosque or mushalla. Such activities are more practical and can bring people closer to a mosque or mushalla. Because not everyone is used to going to a mosque; some of them go to the mosque only on every Friday prayer and holidays and some conduct daily worship is done at home, so this activity at the same time expands the function of the mosque, not only as 'iba> dah mah} d} ah (rituals with formally divine stipulation) but also as 'iba> dah ghayr mah} d} ah (rituals with no formally divine stipulation Even though there are many controversial views about wiwitan, especially in the early 21 st century, along with the lively fundamental Islamic groups that have begun to enter the villages which firmly reject any form of tradition, 51 the values contained in wiwitan can still be preserved until now. Maintaining this wiwitan tradition has had a very long conversation. Several fundamental Islamic groups are of the view that the wiwitan tradition must be ended, both ritually and substantially. This is because they consider that it contradicts Islamic teachings and has never been exemplified by the Prophet Muhammad saw. However, moderate Islamic groups have a different view and see the wiwitan tradition in substance. For this group, ritual procedures are a means in which each region has a different way of articulating its activities. If substantially the line is correct according to religious teachings, then the ritual tradition can still be tolerated. For moderate Islamic groups, the wiwitan tradition still contains the values of shukr and s} adaqah as well as a means of building social and emotional relationships between them, so that they do not go too far into the spiritual area that is worrying towards shirk. The wiwitan tradition also contains social and emotional relationships which are one of the pillars of building solidarity between communities. 52 Therefore, the wiwitan tradition can still be maintained with more Islamic modifications.

The Practice of Wiwitan as An Islamic Tradition
Local religious and societal leaders agree that the wiwitan tradition reflects the teachings of Islam. It promotes such Islamic values as shukr, s} adaqah, family, and tolerance. However, they often have difficulty explaining this point logically and comprehensively to others. Congregational prayers and sermons at the mosque rarely touch on the real experiences of the local community (such as wiwitan), instead of providing normative and textual answers to questions of 'aqi> dah (creed) and akhla> q (morality). Consequently, many younger residents use a textual approach to understanding religion and are uninterested in wiwitan, which has no basis in religious texts. They fail to recognize that the tradition teaches shukr and s} adaqah, both of which are the essence of religious human life. Such individuals have perceived wiwitan as deeply entrenched in Javanese spiritualism or kejawen, and thereby unable to contribute to Islamic education. They believe that the practice continues to maintain syncretic elements, such as being held in the field in the early evening, before maghrib prayer, with incense, special offerings, and other paraphernalia. Such elements are explicitly Javanese, as are the traditional outfits worn: beskap (an open-backed vest) and blangkon (a Javanese head covering). They have failed to recognize the Islamic values implicitly contained within the ritual, or that-as religious and pesantren (Islamic boarding school) educations have become more prevalent-such elements have been abandoned. Today's rituals maintain the same essence while being conducted at home or in a mosque and using a different format. Food is no longer served in takir (banana leaves), but in cardboard boxes. The ritual does not involve cok bakal (offerings), and need not be conducted before maghrib prayer; it may be conducted after maghrib prayer or even after 'isha> ' prayer.
Although wiwitan is not a social obligation, many residents feel guilty if they fail to become involved. They recognize wiwitan as enabling them to establish emotional relationships and create unity. If their economic situation permits it, residents will hold wiwitan regularly and consistently; if they cannot afford this, they will not force themselves, let alone borrow money. Wiwitan rituals are conducted only where feasible. At the same time, however, they believe that behaving more charitably (i.e. giving more s} adaqah) would bring them good fortune. They do not perceive charitable giving as leading to poverty or debt; rather, they believe that s} adaqah will enrich them. Indeed, it is those who fail to give s} adaqah who generally have difficulty dealing with their social lives and who experience crippling debt.
During the wiwitan tradition, field owners traditionally provided food that is wrapped in takir. These banana leaves and their contents are given the same semiotic meaning. In old Javanese, takir is understood as an abbreviation of tatake pikir-all people must have firm beliefs and work consistently to face life's challenges. Only then can they deal with temptation and overcome hurdles. This ability will enable them to live safely and comfortably, without worry. 53 Takir is made of banana leaves, with bananas being ordinary plants that decompose when in the ground. This implies that humans come from the earth and will return to it after death. As such, takir reminds people of their origins and their mortality and warns them that they must avoid arrogance and remain eternally mindful of God. These banana leaves are often used to wrap rice (cooked plain, savory, or in coconut milk) as well as several side dishes (lauk pauk). Each of these foods had a particular semiotic meaning. The union of chicken, egg, sambal (chili paste), urap-urap (steamed vegetables seasoned with shaved coconut), and yellow/white noodles in a single package symbolize the togetherness of the local community, that all people were equal before God Almighty and depend on Him for salvation and harvests. Only with God's will could they live comfortably and securely, conduct their worship in peace. 54 It is important to consider the involvement of societal leaders in the wiwitan ritual, as their involvement has significantly shaped the ritual form and practice. It is necessary, for example, to consider whether a ritual is led by an abangan Muslim or a santri Muslim. In the past, the wiwitan ritual was led by abangan Muslims (often identified as engki 'village elders'). All social rituals involved these elders; their involvement in birth, marriage, and death rituals was clear. These elders came from an abangan background, and thus often burned incense and delivered prayers in Javanese. Over time, however, these engki has begun to be marginalized, being replaced by individuals from a santri background. This significantly affects various traditions, which slowly lost their syncretic elements. 55 More 'pure' forms have been adopted, even the essence has remained the same. In the case of the wiwitan ritual, incense was abandoned, while prayers began to be delivered in Arabic.
The simplification and rationalization of the wiwitan tradition coincided with a paradigm shift in the local community. As residents began emphasizing practicality, pragmatism, and rationality, they abandoned irrational approaches in favor of simpler and more easily understood ones. 56 Wiwitan is a heavenly (ukhrawi> ) investment, and as such its results cannot be directly measured; it will only come to fruition after death. From an economic perspective, such rituals are not profitable, as there is no financial return on the money spent. Nonetheless, from a religious perspective, such an ukhrawi> investment is greatly beneficial, as it facilitates access to eternal bliss. This is an irrational matter, one of belief, and thus cannot be understood rationally. Understanding its religious significance is necessary for understanding the social importance of wiwitan.

Educating Islamic Values through Wiwitan Tradition
Ultimately, wiwitan teaches shukr and s} adaqah, both of which are central to religious practice. Wiwitan is identical with kenduren or gendurenan 57 because both of them teach these noble values. 58 Those who feel gracious will be satisfied by what God has provided them, and as such, they will not become ambitious or arrogant. Losing this sense of gratitude will only prove deleterious. Gratitude must be accompanied by s} adaqah , a means of manifesting one's humility and willingness to share with others. Although charity is frequently identified with material giving, this is not necessarily true; sharing one's happiness and kindness is also a form of charity. 59 Within the context of the wiwitan ritual, s} adaqah is manifested through the sharing of foods (rice and side dishes). Although the giving of such foods may appear simple, especially to those who enjoy economic stability, for rural villagers it is special because it provides necessary nutrition and sustenance. In other 56 George Soroka, "Religion and Modern Society: Citizenship, Secularisation and the State," Journal of Church and State 54, 4 (2012), 650-652. 57 Selametan and gendurenan are two terms in Javanese terminology that refer to a feeding ceremony for other people, usually in a selametan that involves a large number of people (more than 15 people) and gendurenan only a few people (10-15 people), see Endraswara, Agama Jawa, 31-36. 58  wiwitan messages. Because wiwitan can be a means to instill importance in children from an early age so that when they grow up their sense of empathy will be even greater. This education has a tremendous impact, children begin to grow awareness to share. Not only sharing in food, but learning tools and games between them borrow and borrow. This is the meaning of wiwitan on a broad scale, which is happy to share with others. More than that, by interacting with their children, parents also grow awareness of sharing by making gratitude and s} adaqah as routine activities carried out at rice harvest time. 63 Until now, salvation and prayers at mosques, mushalla, and people's homes are still going well. Most of them do it on Thursday night. Thursday night also coincides with the community's routine activities to carry out tahlil and prayers at the mosque or musholla, as well as at the residents' houses on a rotating basis, so the moment is right for prayer and gratitude. They think that day is a good day for prayer and thanksgiving. Because tomorrow is Friday and Friday is sayyid al-ayya> m (the best day of the others). 64 Although it did not rule out the possibility of holding a similar event on another day, most people held the event to coincide with night Thursday to Friday.
Some of the essential practices of wiwitan have tremendous social impacts, especially for students in schools or madrasah. The sense of kinship and togetherness is getting better. This kind of behavior will reduce the number of fights between children. Because there is an inner relationship between them that is tied with sharing ropes, so that in villages or villages, fights rarely occur between students, because of high social ties. 65 Unlike the reality in the city, fighting between children often occurs. Although weak social ties are not the only factor causing fights between children, at least weak social ties can trigger friction between them.
As a reinforcement of the wiwitan tradition in society, madrasah teachers often invite their students to share. 66 For example, when parents are harvesting, they should be grateful by inviting other friends to buy snacks. Because in society it has become a tradition that parents usually give additional pocket money to their children during the main harvest. With excess pocket money, it is hoped that children can share with others. Sharing activities for children does not only mean material but has a deep symbolic meaning, that all enjoyment and happiness must be felt by everyone, including those who are less fortunate. This is a form of social harmony ethics that is built on the principles of togetherness, harmony, and mutual respect to negate individualistic attitudes in each person. 67 In Javanese society, individualistic attitudes are contrary to Javanese ethics which emphasize the attitude of life, respect, responsibility, obedience, cooperation, and deliberation. 68 The agricultural harvest season is carried out every three to four months, so that the atmosphere is shared with friends at least once every three months. In the perspective of Islamic education, sharing is one of the strategies in shaping Muslim personality. Because the purpose of Islamic education is basically to develop life values in the form of social or brotherhood values, sharing, human efficiency, habits of service, creative aesthetics, healthy sportsmanship, and responsible information.
This spirit of sharing is often carried out in schools and madrasah which are affiliated with NU. For example, when there is a celebration of the so-called Islamic holy days, school or madrasah leaders often invite their students to bring food according to their abilities. Some bring cakes, rice, and dishes. Then the foods ae placed in a plate and divided again to the students by exchanging among them. Apart from being an expression of shukr, this activity also contains the value of togetherness and sharing. Those are the noble values in Islamic education that must be developed by educational institutions, without having to look at everything in black and white. This is where religious thought based on moderate local wisdom is needed, by prioritizing the essence and social values contained therein. Therefore, textual-partial religious thinking must be replaced with universal-contextual thinking so that people can understand religious teachings that are conducive to the context of their era. 69

Conclusion
Belying common misperceptions, the wiwitan tradition is no longer a syncretic practice. It has experienced two significant transformations. First, it has evolved to incorporate Islamic values, as shown in this article. Second, it has been given social and religious significance as a cultural space through which individuals can show gratitude, give charity, establish kinship bonds, and create tolerance. It thus contains within it both ila> hi> yah and insa> ni> yah values. Wiwitan is a cultural instrument, one used to teach important Islamic values. It is thus inappropriate to identify wiwitan as a solely Hindu or Buddhist tradition.
This study has enabled a deeper socio-religious understanding of wiwitan and its practice amongst the farmers of East Java in educating Islamic values. Such an understanding is necessary to produce a comprehensive portrait of wiwitan as teaching mutual assistance and sharing, creating harmony, comfort, and security in times of happiness and sorrow. It is an open cultural space, one wherein all are equal. The wiwitan ritual treats all participants as equal, no matter their social class or economic status; all participants sit, cross-legged, atop a rattan mat, and eat the same food. Even persons of different faiths are invited, not for prayer, but to show humanitarian values. As such, this cultural space provides a means of creating strong interpersonal bonds and a sense of togetherness.
This study has yet to reflect the historical development of this tradition, as well as how it has transformed together with local society. Without accommodating such historical elements, it is impossible to truly understand the socio-religious dimensions of this tradition. Local culture and Islam have developed in tandem, and thus been mutually supportive. As such, subsequent studies should apply a diachronic approach which give a room for