THE EXERTED AUTHORITY OF KIAI KAMPUNG IN THE SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF LOCAL ISLAM

Traditional authority is still the main reference as represented by the Kiai Kampung. Intense communication with the community and moral superiority and examples in solving various community problems are parts of how the Kiai Kampungs hold, maintain, and exercise their traditional authority. This article seeks to explain the authority of the Kiai Kampungs in Ngawi East Java and their role in developing and socially constructing local Islam in Java. The method used refers to historical-sociological studies with a phenomenological approach. This study reveales that the Kiai Kampungs have socially constructed local Islam based on the results of their thought and study authoritatively. Local Islam is a manifestation of an Islamic development model that accommodates local wisdom. Kiai Kampungs are referred to as "charismatic leaders" who have remarkable power to socially determine local Islam in the Kiai's perspective. In certain degree of analysis, the role of the Kiai Kampung indirectly has the potential to color the growth and development of global Islam.


Introduction
The development of Islam in a local context of Indonesia is inseparable from the role of the Kiai 2 (ulama of local Islam) who 1 For the accomplishment of the final version of this article, I would send my warmest gratitude to scholars such as Akh. Muzakki and and Masdar Hilmy who commented and facilitated me in making this article possible for publication. 2 The term Kiai does not originate from Arabic but from Javanese, which has sacred, great and revered meaning. The title of Kiai is given to men of old age and wise attitude. Also, the title of Kiai is given to "sacred" and enhanced objects, including spears. See Ahmad Shobiri Muslim, "Urgensi Materi Khatib Jum'at Kiai-Kiai developed their da'wah in various ways. Kiai Kampung (local Muslim Kiai) as a term under the category of Kiai in question is defined as a figure who has authority 3 and has been transformed for certain reasons; sometimes Kiai Kampung becomes a Kiai 4 and someday it can be transformed into a traditional ritual leader, even, it becomes the main reference in solving community problems. Kiai's relationship with the community is not only limited to religious relations, but also community leaders. 5 The superiority of morality and values of wisdom are the guidance of society. 6 The Kiai's authority has increasingly established his authority as the agent of the social construction of local Islam 7 in Java.
Islam and Javanese culture cannot be separated between the two because they interact with each other. 9 Local Islam is a cultural product, in the form of Kiai's creative ideas that can form traditions 10 and give birth to Islamic civilization. Local Islamic construction is a contribution of Kiai in coloring the development of Islam in the archipelago. Local Islamic diversity explains the inclusivism of people who accept diversity as diversity. The role of religious leaders is a

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Volume 14 , Number 01, June 2020 dominant factor in constructing and developing Islam with its local identity. 11 In an Indonesian context, the development of Islam in Java was brought by walisongo (nine Muslim figures) with various features that combined local values and Islam. 19 Furthermore, pesantren (a place to study Islam) becomes a means of caring for people who are led by a Kiai. 20 In its development, Kiai kampung has full authority in constructing local Islam with the approach of marginal people 21 or bromocorah (drunkards, gamblers, or bad attitudes that are contrary to religious and community norms).
The Kiai Kampung in traditional Islamic practices imposes marginal behavior. Local Islam is still a primitive attraction to explain how Islam in Java can develop rapidly. The life of the Kiai of the village becomes an attraction to find uniqueness in constructing Islam so that it is quickly understood and accepted by the community through the prescriptive authority. The personal approach of the Kiai Kampung and community interaction are the right choices to explain how local Islam is presented.

The Socio-Religious Perspective of the Local Muslim Community in Ngawi
Community life in villages is quite dominant in the agricultural economy namely; farming rice, vegetables, and various other staple crops (corn, soybean, cassava, beans). 22 Society depends on nature to fulfill basic needs so as to avoid poverty. 23 The income from agriculture is useful to fulfill the needs of family life and some are donated to the mosque voluntarily on the instructions of the ulema. Management of public funds can be used for celebrating the prophet's birthday activities that are managed transparently and for the maintenance of the mosque. 24 Community compliance to provide infaq is believed to bring good luck 25 even though, the community is not a devout Muslim.
The condition of the people in Ngawi especially in the villages are marginal people or also called bromocorah. 26 Ngawi community is identified as a mataraman community that has a different culture from other communities, The social status inherent in the village community is mostly from ex-PKI (Indonesian communist party) 28 extended families, but gradually the stereotype disappears as post-reformation is vulnerable to conflict. 29 Society prefers togetherness and avoids conflicts because Islam gives space to anyone in difficult conditions.
In the cultural aspect of the community, they still maintain the traditions of their ancestors including clean village traditions with dances followed by alcoholic beverages (arak), childbirths are still colored by playing cards that lead to gambling. 30  communities. 31 Intense communication with a persuasive approach between religious leaders and the community begins to diminish and is open to Islam. 32 Through the community harmony approach, trying to eliminate stigmatization of marginal groups through the role of religious leaders as an effort to build characters (ahklaq) 33 with its spiritual foundation.
The religion adopted by the community is Islam but, limited to formality and in general, has not touched on the implementation of religious teachings. 34 Geertz's perspective, religion is cultural values that have meaning (interpretation of experience and behavior), by integrating both (religion and local culture) called syncretism. 35 Cultural acculturation with Islam has been inherent in Javanese society which has been labeled as home-grown in the Islamic tradition. 36 Religion is still limited to teachings not, as religious behavior. 37 Understanding of the principle of monotheism (oneness of God) and fiqh (law) has not been understood even, the prayer readings still need guidance. 38 Therefore, a Muslim must understand the doctrine of religious teachings as a guide to his life by carrying out the commands and prohibitions of Allah and believes that, the doctrine of Islamic teachings is a religion that brings peace to the people. 39 Getting to know Islam begins with the foundation of the faith and recognizes that, Allah created and killed all beings. 40 The recognition of Islam in the village community in Ngawi is still limited to identity and deviates from Islamic teachings. Community behavior such as gambling, adultery, stealing, and drinking alcohol 41 which is the enemy of the community still colors people's lives. Morality is still far from the values of spirituality because of this, religion must have a good moral effect on human actions. 42 Islam is only a symbol that is understood as a culture in line with the cultural approach taken by Geertz about religion. 43 Islamic knowledge is still limited to reading the Qur'a> n which is far from perfection. Religious studies are not interesting unless they are delivered by lecturers who are popular with their cuteness. For example; Kyai Ma'ruf Islamuddin. 44 Islamic learning has not become a cultural community, routine worship is still not disciplined, and the young generation of children studying in public schools whose religious content is limited to formality. 45 To attract interest in learning Islam can be done with stories or stories like verses of love. These works became Islamic publications as a medium for transmitting religious ideas. The method of transmitting Islam through stories is a form of publication of Islamic story books segmented for teenagers. 46 The young generation must get attention in understanding Islam in an interesting and fun way.
Mosque as a place of worship is only dominated by elderly people. While youth and children still have not carried out their religious duties on a regular basis. 47 The effect of worship in congregation in a mosque can shape the collectivity 48  interactions that require one another even, having the significance of discipline. The mosque has multiple functions including worship, reading holy Qur'a> n, management, character building, and organizing 49 . However, most mosques in the village are still limited to praying, reading the Qur'a> n, and performing kenduri (eating together) during Islamic celebration. 50 The mosque empowerment program can be enhanced by revitalizing mosque functions and optimizing community activities. 51 Youth Organization or youth generation as agents of change are limited to social activities or temporary marriage events, religious commemoration activities are not well organized. 52 The forms of youth creativity 53 are absolutely necessary for building a dynamic society to build the progress of civilization. One of the most popular creativities is the reog dance (dance name from Ponorogo) which is livened up with intoxicating drinks which are done once a year by going around the village and passing the courtyard (in front of the mosque). 54 The activities of village traditions, cause public unrest and conflict with the morals of a Muslim. Woodward identifies tradition with his inseparable locality culture 55 . Geertz's perspective of abangan people who tend to be acculturative 56 with their local traditions.
Enthusiastic people in religious activities can be found in the group or majelis ta'lim yasin tahlil (the name of the Qur'a> n and reading tahlil) which is carried out once a month on Saturday evenings Sunday. This activity was followed by elderly mothers, most of whom were unable to read the Qur'a> n in Arabic. 57 The ta'lim assembly has the role of increasing religious understanding so that it will have an impact on changes in religious behavior. In addition, it becomes a propaganda media to improve the quality of worship with an intensive planning and communication strategy. 58 In line with Geertz, holding fast to the patterns of organization of local community trust 59 even though, the majelis taklim has developed in the community.
The socio-religious of the village community explained that religious teachings are a formality and local traditions of Islam try to strike a balance between religion and culture. The Javanese community of Geertz's perspective consists of three parts; abangan, santri and priyayi. And abangan practices of Islam are more syncretic if compared to the more orthodox santri group. Islamic tradition has a variety of variants between local traditions with Islam giving birth to syncretistic Islamic theories. 60 In line with Beatty's writing 61 , Mulder used the concept of locality 62 and Mark Woodward with his acculturative Islam. 63 The Islamic community of the village still needs a process of assistance and empowerment in upholding character in accordance with Islamic spirituality. Marginal communities are one asset that must be empowered with a personal approach. Good potential must be pursued and bad potential suppressed in wise ways. The local Islamic community is part of the local Kiai's design to change conventional patterns of life into religion. The role of the ulama in understanding Islam can be explained by conveying religious messages easily to be understood and practiced both, matters of worship and in the activities of daily life.

Kiai Kampung and the Development of Day-to-Day Local Islam
Conveying a religious message requires a leader figure who has sublime knowledge and behavior or moral heights so that he becomes an example for his followers. The existence of the Kiai is not formally or informally chosen but, flows because of his charisma and superiority of personality and inherent prescriptive or bossy attitudes.
Kiai or religious leaders (ulama) teach religious values and local wisdom that have been inherited in people's daily lives. 64 The term Kiai is not from Arabic but from Javanese, which has a sacred, great, and revered meaning. The title of Kiai is given to men who are elderly and wise. Other than that, also given to sacred objects and is enhanced like; keris and spear. 65 Kiai Kampung is also called local Islamic scholars, namely, as figures who have authority in society. 66 Religious leaders have undergone a transformation, sometimes becoming Kiai and in certain conditions can turn into a sage or traditional ritual leader. 67 Kiai's relationship with the community is not only limited to religious relations, but also community leaders. 68 The Kiai's authority has increasingly established his authority as a local Islamic construction in Java 69 has colored the development of global Islam. 70 The Kiai's life becomes one of the indicators to find the Kiai's subject which can be used as a role model or guide for the community. The scholars who were scattered in the villages of Ngawi were surveyed with technique random sampling 71 namely three villages: (Gemarang, Gelung, and Ngrambe). The Kiai subjects studied in general have the same background in life, in the aspects of education, economics, and involvement in politics and social culture. The figure of the Kiai Kampung does not have a lineage from a large Ulama group. 72 The Kiai of the village has the potential to innovate independently with hard work and efforts in community building. 73 Socio-economic conditions Kiai has a very simple life with a source of livelihood in trading, farming, and continuing to carry out social actions voluntarily. 74 The behavior of the Kiai in each village won the sympathy of the community. The mission of enlivening the mosque with prayer in congregation and teaching reading the Qur'a> n for children and parents. The religious values taught by Kiai gives enthusiasm to people's lives. 75 Islamic da'wah is carried out with a personal approach especially to the bromocorah group. Interpersonal communication becomes a da'wah media carried out effectively and gives an impression to individuals. 76 The role of the Kiai in the political aspect teaches about leaders who can be trusted by the community. The Kiai does not intervene in the political sphere but, instead, provides support in the form of prayer to anyone who visits him. 77 Open attitude and taking no side with those who want to seek political office is amoral nobility or Kiai's character. 78 In the cultural aspect, the Kiai provides the widest possible space for the community to be creative with existing traditions. Reog's art activities carried out at the 'nyadran' village clean-up activity continued and allowed the community to use alcoholic drinks. 79

Religious Authority
The role of the Kiai Kampung is very different from that of the pesantren 82 Kiai. 83 The Kiai of the village confronts the community with a syncretic Islamic typology that runs interconnected with the local culture. 84 The Qur'a> n teacher or religious teacher in the village is a product of Kiai pesantren. Communication between the Kiai and the cleric in providing prescriptive instructions meant that the community followed what Kiai said, whereas the Kiai Kampung accepted the wishes of the people with an Islamic mission to develop and be loved by the community. 85 The Kiai prescriptive became a role model for the community without rejection that affected the Kiai's authority.
Kiai's leadership experienced a shift, especially in political contestation. 86 Local politics is a reflection of Kiai Kampung who has the authority to determine government leadership or even become government leaders. 87 The political contract between the Kiai Kampung and local politicians has an impact on sustainability and synergy 80 Geertz, "The Javanese Kijaji, pp. 228-249. 81 Geertz, The Religion of Java, p. 148. 82 Pesantren represents a mode of religious-based schooling system typical of Indonesia which characteristically has five components: the cleric, the student (santri), the mosque, a boardinghouse and the classic book (kitab kuning between the community and the Kiai Kampung. The Kiai Kampung authority in local political matters as a mediator and negotiator and is prescriptive in the interests of the region. Religion and government act as socio-political control that can provide protection and balance between the political interests of government and society. 88 The Kiai's authority focuses on studying the Qur'a> n and religious studies as a basis for Islamic education. Kiai Hasyim Asy'ari is known as the founder of Nahdlatul Ulama and Indonesian freedom fighter. 89 The Muhammadiyah organization, led by Kiai Ahmad Dahlan, integrates education by adapting Islamic and general science. 90 The Kiai portrait is a mirror of the village's Kiai authority in teaching Islamic values to face challenges in the modern era.
Islamic education has become one of the most important parts of building the community. Therefore, the Kiai Kampung recruits Qur'a> n teachers with salaries from zakat, infaq, and sadaqah. 91 The mosque has a strategic function in exploring the knowledge and symbols of Islam and the administration of Islamic da'wah management. 92 The Kiai Kampung determine the people chosen to occupy positions in the mosque organization. The words of the Kiai Kampung must be obeyed and obeyed by the community without consultation. 93 Obedience to Kiai is a moral ethic that is maintained by the community because the role of Kiai's leadership is to shape the character of santri. 94 The forms of authority of the Kiai Kampung in determining the mosque ta'mir, mosque administrators, and Qur'a> n teachers were

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Volume 14 , Number 01, June 2020 carried out by acclamation because they did not want any debate or other ideas. 95 Election by acclamation can eliminate creative ideas in order, avoiding gaps or conflicts. 96 The Kiai Kampung accelerates and facilitates all forms of activities, even household matters, and determines the implementers of Friday sermons and religious celebrations. 97 The selection of people who served in religious celebration activities carried out regeneration. Youth and mosques become a means of entertainment 98 because to provide opportunities for youth in developing mosques by carrying out Islamic arts activities and local traditions. 99 Islam can collaborate with a variety of arts and culture that can provide benefits to maintain morality and human values in the modern era. 100 Social-economic problems in the community are directly communicated with the Kiai Kampung. 101 One village governance program refers to pesantren with the success of socio-economic empowerment that does not abandon the values of local wisdom. 102 Economic potential in agriculture there is a tradition of slametan 103 in the fields or at home. Some of the crops are sent to the mosque. The variety of traditions have changed with the modified by Kiai Kampung with its authority. 104 The Kiai Kampung authority in the tradition of nyadran or village cleansing 105 is an interesting phenomenon because it presents many people from various other villages. Its purpose; first, get safety and success in life. Second, good rice plants and many yields. Third, keep away from all disasters. Fourth, strengthen relations between harmonious people (togetherness). Kiai Kampung always inspires and becomes the main reference in the community. 106 The Kiai Kampung authority consists of all aspects of life and aspects of community interests with their character of wisdom.
The character of the community is influenced by the Kiai Kampung through its authority to modify village traditions including; First, the community is not far from polytheism or kufr. Second, while maintaining tradition with its acculturative. 107 Third, invite bromocorah or marginal people to adapt more subtly and acceptably to their environment. 108 The concept of Kiai Kampung authority has contributed to the development of local Islam in Indonesia by accepting people with diverse characteristics. The dynamics of local Islam can enrich the traditional treasures that do not cause conflict in society so that what appears on the surface is Nusantara Islam 109 , grounding Islam and local traditions in Indonesia. The Authority of Kiai Kampung is community obedience to religious leaders. The Kiai Kampung transforms leadership 110 from religious aspects into solutions to various village problems.
Kiai is a representation of religion because religion can be a theory of self or behavior that will have the functions of systems of thought and action. 111 The system built in the village community is indirectly

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Volume 14 , Number 01, June 2020 attached to the authority of Kiai Kampung. The effectiveness of the charismatic leader 112 in Weber's perspective reinforces that, the Kiai Kampung is able to obtain these gains independently. The Kiai has authority, of course, has power, 113 and the authority of charisma is inherent in the Kiai Referring to the theory of social construction, 114 the Kiai Kampung externally formed an inclusive variant of Islam to accept bromocorah as an element of acculturation and moderation of Islamic da'wah. The objectivation of local traditions is modified culturally and forced as a form of Islamic acceptance of the bromocorah. Internalization was built by prioritizing aspects of the benefit of the people. Understanding and supporting marginal people 115 to become hybrids means following the changing changes in society. Kiai's local Islamic design authorizes the diversity and development of Islam in Indonesia which has the potential to color Global Islam without reference to Oliver Roy's global definition of Islam. 116 The design of the local Islamic authority of the Kiai Kampung is prescriptive, flowing without making an election but, community willingness and commitment. The Kiai's life and role in the community become a role model and reference for the community in determining a religious leader. Work performance that looks small but, has a big impact on the benefit of the people.

The Formal Marja' and the Theoretisation of Kiai Kampung's Authority on Local Islam
The Kiai formally and informally becomes the symbol and identity of religion, which constructs local Islam. Max Weber's authority theory consists of three (3) typologies: legal, traditional, and charismatic authority 117 as a reference to find the typology of Kiai's authority. Native Islam became a model of walisongo (nine trustees) by strengthening local Islam. 118 The diversity of local Islam spread in Indonesia is the creativity and authority of the Kiai. The diversity forms an Islamic identity with a touch of Kiai that constructs local Islam.
The Kiai's authority over local Islamic construction is related to the community group, finding interpretations of social construction. 119 Local Islamic construction in the form of internalization of multicultural locality values by teaching the meaning of pride. The meanings conveyed by Kiai are: first, the transformation of values (informing a certain value) as a discourse of knowledge or knowing phase. Second, value transactions (there are reciprocal interactions to conduct value transactions) or the doing phase and third, value interactions that are accompanied by an implementation or being phase.
Externalization of local Islamic construction shapes the diversity and identity construction of a village. Identity strengthened the existence of the village community formed by Kiai and further strengthened his excellence and wisdom. The Kiai creates a product or concept of local Islam continuously. 120 Kiai's efforts in constructing local Islam provide an accommodative space for bromocorah (marginal)  wise in constructing local Islam. Not doing discrimination to anyone including, giving freedom to marginal groups.
The position of the Kiai in the community is at the center of community policy and discussion. His presence as a religious leader is not done by election but by community agreement. The Kiai Kampung in the theory of rules is called the formal 'marja' 121 because chosen based on Islamic law, it is not done in detail. In Islamic countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, Brunei Darussalam state leaders and religious authorities based on the authority of previous leaders and formalities. The authority of the leader established based on the formality can consider and attitude or will because, approval by certain rules as it happens in a country.
In the case of the Iraqi leader after the fall of Saddam Hussein 2003, Ali al-Sistani was a key player in the process of forming and defending Iraqi politics but, Sistani did not have an official position in Iraq. This means that there is no constitutional status for Sistani but, Sistani's authority has been roughly formalized which was adopted by the 2003 law. Formalization forms a unique relationship between the state and the Shiite religious authority in certain rules to obscure the boundaries between formality and informality. 122 That is, the role of al-Sistani as a senior Kiai in Iraq has a prescriptive attitude towards religious authority.
Kiai Kampung has an authoritative role that exceeds the authority of formal leaders from various aspects of the field. In the political aspect, the Kiai is seen as a charismatic leader thereby obediencethat is able to hegemony the community is formed consciously without coercion. Sowan or visiting to ask for Kiai's guidance 123 is used as a barometer for the success of politicians to reach their peak careers.
Kiai's authority not only plays a role but, with an aesthetic sensibility lens. The superiority of moral or character and wisdom of the Kiai form the obedience of the community. The Kiai Kampung forms a traditional authority that has undergone a process of transformation 124 by not referring to the rules of the text but, following the desires of the marginal community or bromocorah to make them aware in a wise way.
The Kiai's authority on the socio-cultural aspect plays a maximum role as evidenced by his absolute decision. The role of the Kiai becomes a mediator between communities, in seeing social cases 125 such as; crime, different views even, the gap between ideologies. Kiai's fragmentation becomes an analysis to find arguments from the standpoint of the ethical construction of society. 126 Formal and nonformal always accompany every decision by involving Kiai. As the religious authority in East Asia is focused on the lens of aesthetics there is an emotional connection and aesthetic standards that interfere with the classical definitions and types of authority. 127 Therefore, the negotiation of the authority of the Kiai is carried out by legitimizing the authority and contingency and instability from time to time.
Kiai's authority is related to the piety of Muslims in carrying out worship in the mosque. Social piety 128 was also a concern of Kiai; by donating his wealth from each rice harvest. The community follows these rules for the prosperity of the mosque. Building an Islamic economy with social piety oriented, Kiai developed through the charity zakat and infaq boxes. The management of the mosque in the form of financial assistance can be adapted to the Deobandi approach namely, an approach that focuses on the importance of control so that there is no misuse and struggle. 129 Local Islamic construction in the economic aspects of the village besides, waqf land in the form of rice fields and donations, then it needs to be controlled or supervised.
The Kiai's authority interfered with power so that his charisma had unlimited authority. Charisma is a gift of community trust because of, the role and devotion to the community. Within the scope of the state, the charisma of leaders such as Mahathir Mohammad is a formal leadership that politically has power, control, stability, and defense. 130 The inherent charisma can be interpreted as a formal marja which has authoritative status. The authority of the Kiai Kampung charisma is limited by the village or village by referring to the religious sector. Formal "marja'" becomes the spirit for the prescriptive authority of the Kiai in constructing local Islam with various concepts in the Kiai's view. Local Islam became the identity in developing Islam by maintaining the limits of religious teachings against the authority of the Kiai. Accommodative Islam is a choice so that there is no debate with the pros and cons of designing local Islam. Accommodative Islam 131 is the right choice to review the values of contemporary Islam 132 so that there is no a priori, hence the development of global Islam could advance.

Conclusion
Based on the analysis of local Islamic construction in the context in Ngawi; Local Islam is a variant of Islam that was developed by the Kiai Kampung in an authoritative manner. The role and authority of the Kiai are able to penetrate various aspects or fields; economic, political, and social culture. Local Islam accommodates the wishes of the people without selective logging. Authority functions as a method to accommodate bromocorah or marginal people to produce accommodative local Islamic constructions.
The authoritative role of the Kiai in constructing local Islam teaches the public about obedience and obedience to leaders who master the breadth and depth of religious knowledge. Authority becomes the right of religious leaders to convey religious messages. Interpreting religion is not only ritual worship related to the creator of the universe but, interacting with humans and the environment is part of religious teachings. Following the fact that local Islam is one of the models for the development of multicultural Indonesian Islam with distinctive local Javanese variants, Kiai has moral excellence and exemplary for the community as a charismatic leader, allowing him to become the formal marja' for the society.
The Kiai's authority becomes a prescriptive identity (giving directions and provisions). Charismatic Kiai has the authority to give orders with his authority. Kiai's decision is ensured through his policies which are generally not opposed by the community. Prescriptive as community obedience to Kiai who is believed to be correct in every decision. The figure of the Kiai Kampung is a reproduction of the pesantren Kiai which has a correlation in developing a progressive society.
The Kiai Kampung authority is a movement of religious activities, building spirituality, and social development. The existence of Kiai underwent a process of transformation that, Kiai can also be involved directly or indirectly in the world of politics. The involvement of the Kiai in various roles can be beneficial to strengthen the foundations of Islamic teachings, as the role of the Prophet not only improves human morals but, teaches Islam by building civilizations. Islam in Indonesia is a representation of the construction of local Islam and the Kiai Kampung as a decision-maker has the potential to color the development of global Islam. []