Whither Indonesia's Islamic Moderatism? a Reexamination on the Moderate Vision of Muhammadiyah and Nu

This paper seeks to analyze the moderate ideology of Muhammadiyah dan NU, popularly known as the champion of Indonesia's moderate Islam. Questions to be investigated are: to what extent that NU and Muhammadiyah theologically represent moderatism? Is there any such thing as “moderate Islam” in Indonesia? How can a blue-print of moderate Islam be formulated in the context of Indonesian Islam? The underpinning theoretical assumption upon which this paper is based is that the theological formulation of Islamic moderatism developed by NU and Muhammadiyah can no longer accommodate the latest challenges and demands of the era. In the context of Indonesian Islam, therefore, a representative formulation of how moderate Islam can be constructed is badly needed. What NU and Muhammadiyah have demonstrated so far in the landscape of Indonesian Islam, nevertheless, can serve as a stepping stone towards building a more liable formulation of an Indonesian Islam in the future.


Introduction
At the 33 rd annual conference held by the Association of Muslim Social Scientists (AMSS) on September [24][25][26]2004 at George Mason University Law School in Arlington, Virginia, US, with the theme: ´5HYLVLRQLQJ 0RGHUQLW\ &KDOOHQJHV DQG 3RVVLELOLWLHV IRU ,VODPµ VRPH 1 The earlier draft was delivered at the International Seminar on Islamic Studies held by the Director Forum of Postgraduate Programs of IndonesiD·V Islamic Higher Education at STAIN Jember, 20-21 April 2012. boundary, the concept of moderatism serves as a hurdle that appeals public debate among Muslims. As a result, while some feel comfortable with the use and attribution of the word, some others do notand even show a strong objection to it as the paper shall demonstrate later.
It is a matter of fact , that WKH WHUP ´PRGHUDWLVPµ LV QRW ZHOOacknowledged in the discourse of classical Islamic thought. Its connotation, however, refers to the use of several Arabic words such as al-wasat} or tawassut} (moderation), al-qist} (justice), al-tawa> zun (fairness), al-i ¶tida> l (harmony), tasa> muh} (tolerance). Those words are employed by Muslims to mean a non-violent mode of religiosity in the Islamic WUDGLWLRQ 6LQFH WKH ZRUG ´PRGHUDWLVPµ LV XQGHUVWRRG VXEMHFWLYHO\ Ey many, it always invites controversies and subjective biases. More importantly, it has never been neutral from the intervention of political and economic interests. As a result, this semantic hurdle results in the difficulty in arriving at a conclusive meaning of what the word ´PRGHUDWHµ UHIHUV WR DQG ZKR PRGHUDWH 0XVOLPV FRPSULVH RI Based on the explanation above, it is fairly understandable that the question of who moderate Muslims are is not easy to answer. If one UHIHUV WR WKH GHILQLWLRQ RI WKH ZRUG ´PRGHUDWHµ DV SURYLGHG LQ DQ English dictionary, it is found that the term means: 1) average in amount, intensity, quality, etc; not extreme; 2) of or having (political) opinions that are not extreme; 3) keeping or kept within limits that are not excessive. 4 Within the landscape of Islamic thought and practices, the degree of moderatism is understood differently according to different people, contexts and localities. Despite the fact that the concept of moderatismis generally more-or-less similar in meaning, it is a highly contested concept. In general, it means a middle-path, a choice between the two extreme poles of religious thought. In the tradition of religious thought, those two extreme poles are usually described as alghuluww ²Yusuf al-Qardhawi names it as al-mutat} arrif³and the concept of moderatism usually refers to al-wasat} or tawassut} , whose meaning is middle-path, middle-way or middle-ground. 5 It is within the above context that a numerous definitions of moderatism can be found. The concept of moderatism in a Muslim majority country such as Indonesia may take different shape from the same concept in a minority-Muslim country such as the US and other Western countries. In Indonesia, the concept of moderatism is used to indicate a particular religious thought or practice that adopts neither two poles of Islamic thought; the typically-Western liberal thought and radical Islamism thought. Outside of the two poles lies the bulk majority of Muslims where everybody would be happily identified as moderate Muslims.
The middle-path mode of religiosity, nevertheless, has been criticized as having an ambiguous position where an authentic religious standing and identity is at stake. This ambiguous position is equivalent WR WKH SRVLWLRQ RI ´QHLWKHU-QRUµ la-wa-la, Ar.), a term that points to ´QR-ZKHUHµ SRVLWLRQ QHLWKHU :HVW QRU (DVW QHLWKHU ULJKW H[WUHPH QRU left one, neither literalist nor liberalist, and so forth. This ambiguous standing can be interpreted as the absence of theological conviction in RQH·V Ueligious mind and heart. Due to this reason, some rejects this term on the ground of ambiguity in meaning. A trivial question is; if conceptually speaking the concept of Islamic moderatism refers to neither West nor East, neither liberal nor literal, how can the real picture of Islamic moderatism take shape? The rejection of some to this term is also based on the argument that moderate Islam does not reflect the whole-heartedness in religion (ka> ffah) 6 . On the contrary, they assume that moderatism reflects halfheartedness in observing Islamic tenets. They further maintain that moderate Islam is a kind of downgraded or reduced version of Islam from the presumably authentic Islam. In their opinion, moderate Islam does not reflect an authentic Islam. Simply put, it represents less Islam. This type of group usually rejects any type of adjective to be attributed to this religion, such as radical, liberal or even moderate. Such an attribution is regarded as allowing Islam to lapse into a fragmented entity. They argue against this position by maintaining that Islam comprises only one entity; neither liberal nor literal, neither liberal nor radical, neither extreme nor moderate. 7 Another argument rejecting the use of moderatism is that this word is typically Western founded. In other words, it was invented by 6 0 $ 0XTWHGDU .KDQ ´,VODPLF 'HPRFUDF\ DQG 0RGHUDWH 0XVOLPV 7KH 6WUDLJKW 3DWK 5XQV WKURXJK WKH 0LGGOH µ American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Summer 2005), p. 40. 7 Ibid. the West without intended consequences. In their mind, in inventing this concept, the West may want to undermine the strength and solidity of Muslims by injecting whatever terms and words that are considered theologically inauthentic and are, therefore, not in line with the spirit of Islam. Such a rejection reminds us to the same rejection among the Islamists to other concepts which are construed as not authentically Islamic simply because they do not find any word in Arabic that is equivalent in meaning to those terms such as democracy, human rights, pluralism and multiculturalism, and the like. 8 In their view, all of these words do not have any sound and strong basis in the 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th, the most pristine sources in Islam.
Regardless the above controversy, the concept of moderatism in the context of Indonesian Islam has at least the following characteristics; 1) non-violent ideology in propagating Islam; 2) adopting the modern way of life with its all derivatives, including science and technology, democracy, human rights and the like; 3) the use of rational way of thinking; 4) contextual approach in understanding Islam, and; 5) the use of ijtiha> d (intellectual exercises to make a legal opinion in case of the absence of explicit justification IURP WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th). Those characteristics are, however, can be expanded into several more characteristics such as tolerance, harmony and cooperation among different religious groups.
In the context of the US, however, moderatism sometimes contains ideological-political-economical biases which are in line with the contemporary condition of the country. The meaning of moderatism is understood from the context of post-September 11 tragedy that destroyed the World Trade Center, the economic icon of the US. The attack of al-Qaeda to the center of civilization and power of the US has been considered as the turning point from where a paradigm shift in understanding the concept of moderatism occurred. Prior to September 11, the concept of moderatism was understood as a non-violent religious variant. After that tragedy, however, the concept has been twisted too far as a result of the contestation of religious ideologies to identify the demarcation lines which differentiate those who side with the West from those who stand for those Islamists.
It is within the ideological contestation that the concept of moderatism is understood in an overlapping manner as those who support democracy, human rights, secularism, the US policy of war on terror, and the like. In the US press, the moderate Muslims are identified as those who side with the West in political vision or those who are self-critical in their religious thought. 9 Meanwhile, the term moderate Islam is pejoratively deployed as those whose religious vision LV VHFXODU DQG QRUPDWLYHO\ ´OHVV ,VODP µ ,Q WKH 86 PRGHUDWH 0XVOLPV are those who adopt the soft version of Islam³such as the John (VSRVLWR·V ,UVKDG 0DQML·V DQG .DUHQ $UPVWURQJ·V YHUVLRQ RI ,VODP³ who wish to coexist and live together with the non-Muslims and feel convenient with typically Western values such as liberal democracy and the ideology of separation of religion and the state. 10 The context of global politics is also another determinant aspect in understanding the concept of Islamic moderatism. 11 The group of Muslims who do not react fervently to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, for instance, can be regarded as moderate. Or, in the context of multinational occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq, moderate Muslims are those who do not oppose this occupation, or even support this occupation on the ground of democratization. In short, moderate Muslim group comprises those who do not react overwhelmingly to the international conflicts involving majority Muslim countries on one side, and the West on the other side.
Despite the fact that the term moderate or moderatism is not easy to define, there are common features that characterize the moderate mode of religiosity among Indonesian Muslims. Among the five features of the moderate Islam as mentioned above, it is non-violent ideology that brings all segments of the moderate Muslims within one enclave of Islamic moderatism. The other four features are, however, essentially contested among them. It is within this stream that NU and Muhammadiyah stand as the two exemplary models of Islamic moderatism in Indonesia. 9 .KDQ ´,VODPLF 'HPRFUDF\ DQG 0RGHUDWH 0XVOLPV µ S

Moderate Islam of Muhammadiyah and NU
In the Indonesian context, the question would be: what and how does Islamic moderatism look like? Who are individuals and groups of Muslim who can be called moderate; Is it Muhammadiyah, NU, or other organizations? It is indeed a simple question but hard to answer, particularly when one points to the heterogeneity of religious modes in the spectrum of Indonesian Islam. In this case, one cannot deny the fact that Indonesian Islam comprises a vast array of ideology, thought, as well as practice of Muslim community ranging from one extreme to another extreme.
Before one identifies what, who and how moderate Islam is defined in an Indonesian context, a conceptual framework based upon which the definition of moderatism is established is needed. It has to be acknowledged that a conceptual framework of moderatism in the context of Indonesian Islam may take a different shape from that of other Muslim world, wherein Islam as majority or minority religion. Different context of each country does contribute to the distinctiveness of moderatism. Furthermore, the evolution of meaning contained in whatever concept within a particular society will depend on the development of that society. 12 This means that the meaning of moderatism may evolve according to the development of social and political context of a particular community. It can cover various meanings stretching from one pole to the other one within particular spectrum of moderatism.
The moderate group, in general, occupies the middle-ground within the spectrum of Islamic thought. But if one examines this issue more closely, there are at least the other three layers under this spectrum, ranging from radical-moderatism, middle-ground moderatism, to soft-moderatisme. Radical-moderatism can be characterized as a salafist-minded ideology, thought or movement which suggests the authentic version of religiosity through direct reference to the pristine VRXUFHV RI ,VODP WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th. They tend to reject the mode of religiosity that accommodates too much the classical Islamic thought. 13 They also reject the civilization of the West with its all 12  derivatives such as democracy, human rights, civil society, and the like, through peaceful means, and not through violence.
In the context of identity and ideological boundaries of moderatism, Erich Kolig and Greg Fealy, through their respected research project maintain that the concept Islamic moderatism does not constitute clear-cut and black-and-white boundaries. 14 This is partly because Islamic moderatism is not supported by an authentic and solid theological argument that forms a unified color of moderate Islam. Claims of moderatism tend to be based on the absence of extremity in responding particular religious issues. The majority of moderate Muslims, in my theoretical assumption, have been occupied by the so-FDOOHG ´IORDWLQJ PDVVµ ZKLFK LV QRW VXSSRUWHG E\ D complicated theological and philosophical ´WKLFN GHVFULSWLRQµ 15 7KLV ´IORDWLQJ PDVVµ FRPSULVHV VRPH JURXS RI 0XVOLPV WKDW WHQG not to fully care about the basic argument in their religious understanding and attitude. 16 The reference in their religiosity is merely based on sociological factors that can lead to the process of decision making commonly undertaken by the majority group. This means that the tendency of their religious attitude depends very much on pragmatic-sociological considerations, not on a deep and reflective theological argumentation or religious narrative. As a result, their religious attitude and thinking tend to go along with current streams; they are readily to change their religious attitude contingent upon religious practices popularly observed in the society. Simply put, such a religious manifestation can be considered as banal religious practices or³in fiqh terminology is called as³taqli> d, that is, the most common layer of Muslims which occupies the lowest stratum of religious community. They are characterized by the uncritical consumption of whatever produced by religious elites.
The same case occurs in the discussion of radical and liberal Islam. The group of moderate Muslims occupies the middle-ground between the two extreme poles that give them more rooms of movement. 14 *UHJ )HDO\ ´,VODPLF 5DGLFDOLVP LQ ,QGRQHVLD 7KH )DOWHULQJ 5HYLYDO" Some of the students of Indonesian Islam studies are consistent in arguing that Islam in this country comprises the moderate version of Islam. 17 This moderate position is represented, for instance, by the largest two religious organizations in Indonesia: Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)³popularly known as traditionalist³and Muhammadiyah³ popularly known as modernist. The two organizations can be classified into moderate Islam due to their non-violent theological standpoint. These two organizations, in addition, agree with the idea of Unified State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI, Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia), one of the most latent issues propagated by Muslim hardliners in the country. For both of them, the form of Unified State of the Republic of Indonesia, with Pancasila as its ideological basis, UUD 1945 as its constitution basis, and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika as its slogan, are considered to be able to accommodate the substantive elements of moderate Islam, the theological vision of which is blessing for all universe (rah} matan li al- ¶a> lami> n).
In terms of modern values, both organizations by and large do not show resistance to democracy and human rights, two most paramount values of modernity. 18 Democracy, they argue, is seen not only as the universal value that is workable in developed Western countries, but it can also be pulled out from the pristine sources of Islam, i.e. the 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th. In their argument, Islam is, by definition, in line with the modern values of democracy and human rights, the two most supreme pillars for the existence of humanity and nations. 19 Islam is in itself democratic and, therefore, no point of refuting this proposition. There are a lot of cultural aspects of tradition in Islam which are later on subject to change and reform. It is a matter of fact that Islam proves to be able to leave its black history of slavery in the past.
In addition to the acceptance of modern values, Indonesian Islam³with particular reference to the above two organizations³has received its high-profile image as a home to the tradition of religious pluralism and tolerance. 20 Genealogically speaking, Indonesian Islam has been championing its reputation for being tolerant version of Islam since its very first inception in the country. Indonesia itself has a long tradition of religious tolerance, far before Islam came to the Archipelago and became the majority religion in this country. Indonesian Islam has an interconnected link to the tradition of tolerance of the Hindu-Buddhist era, in which a great number of Hindu and Buddhist temples stood side by side within a particular historic site. 21 The question would be, is it the case that all members and followers of NU as well as Muhammadiyah can be guaranteed to have a moderate ideology as explained above? Following the thinking spectrum sketched above, the writer tends to argue that not all members and followers of the two organizations have a moderate mode of religious thinking. If it is explained in a more detailed, the typology of members and followers of the two organizations can be sketched into three main clusters as follows: 1) radical-moderate, 2) middle-ground-moderate, and 3) soft-moderate.
The first cluster refers to a group of individuals whose ideological and religious vision is puritan in nature. This cluster has a closer emotional and ideological link to hard-line ideology. Some of them have even metamorphosed ideologically into a hard-line movement and have been part of the rank-and-files in such religious movements as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Majlis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), AbX %DNDU %D·DV\LU·V-led Jamaah Anshorut Tauhid (JAT), and the like. Those hard-line groups make the members of NU-Muhammadiyah as their prime target in da`wah (propagating) activities. In this context, it is not exaggerating that in some parts of East Java, there are some NU elites who are identified as the spokesman of HTI. 22 On the other hand, the group of soft-moderatism refers to the bulk segment of Muhammadiyah and NU mostly occupied by the ´IORDWLQJ PDVVµ³or non-devout³Muslims with limited knowledge about religion. This second group occupies the lion-share of the two organizations. Since their religious understanding and attitude is due to sociological-pragmatic factors, they are the most vulnerable to be potential recruits of hard-line movement. This is so particularly when they meet a particular hard-line cleric (murabbi> ) and they get tempted by the theological arguments of the murabbi> that usually lead to internal conversion among them. It is this kind of theological encounter that can explain the phenomenon of internal conversion among Muhammadiyah and NU communities from moderate to radical ideology.
The third moderate cluster consists of those who are usually deeply-learned in religious sciences and or affiliated to pesantrens. So far, they have crucial position among their communities and play a key role in the process of social transformation within their respected environments. In terms of religious trends, they serve as the makers, producers or trendsetters of religiosity for the common people. They are mostly Muslim scholars (kyai) or pesantren alumni, both from traditional as well as modernist pesantrens, who are deeply-versed in classical and modern Islamic sciences. This cluster represents the important makers of Islamic moderatism projects in Indonesia who are responsible for transforming the religious awareness among millions of members and followers of the two organizations.
Quantitatively speaking, this cluster perhaps represents a small number of the segment of moderate Muslims³perhaps far less than the two earlier clusters. This cluster nevertheless occupies the most important social class within the structure of moderate Muslims in 22 This is based on research findings by Rubaidi, a doctorate student of the Postgraduate Program of IAIN SXQDQ $PSHO 6XUDED\D 6HH 5XEDLGL ´3HUJHVHUDQ Kelas Menengah NU: Studi tentang Pergeseran Ideologi dari Moderat ke Islamisme dan Post-,VODPLVPH GL -DZD 7LPXUµ 6XUDED\D ,$,1 6XQDQ $PSHO 6XUDED\D unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, 2012). Indonesia that is in turn able to inspire millions of followers by means of powerful moderate ideas. It is this last cluster that has been much expected in mainstreaming and producing a well-established and workable blue-SULQW RI ,QGRQHVLD·V ,VODPLF PRGHUDWLVP LQ WKH IXWXUH In addition to the positive record about the acceptance of the two mainstream organizations to the NKRI, Pancasila, UUD 1945, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, as well as modern values, there is another characteristic of Islamic moderatism which is commonly accepted in the Western perspective but rejected by the two: secularism. Almost all³not to say all³,QGRQHVLD·V PRGHUDWH ,VODP UHMHFW WKH LGHD RI secularism on the grounds that it consists typically-Western bounded moderatism which is not applicable in the context of Indonesian Islam.
The rejection of the majority toward secularism, indeed, needs robust empirical data which justifies further investigation. As far as Indonesian Islam is concerned, secularism is not a familiar term for the majority of Indonesian Muslims despite the fact that in practice secularism has been an unstated part of their daily life. 23 This is simply because most of the Indonesian Muslims do not feel comfortable with the idea of separation between religion and the state. The classical nomenclature of Islamic thinking only acknowledges the doctrine of Islam as religion (di> n) and state (dawlah). 24 In other words, secularism KDV EHHQ SHUFHLYHG E\ PDQ\ DV DQ ´DOLHQµ LQ WKH ODQGVFDSH RI ,QGRQHVLDQ 0XVOLPV· WKLQNLQJ DQG SUDFWLFH 7KH GHJUHH RI ,QGRQHVLD·V ,VODPLF PRGHUDWLVP LV IUHTXHQWO\ determined by how Muslims approach and understand the sacred texts WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th). Those who rely heavily on context in understanding the texts have been referred to as moderate Muslims. On the other side, the Muslim group who tend to employ literal approach to those texts has been considered as radicals. 25  these two approaches can be seen, for instance, in understanding the form of ideal State in Islam. Regarding this issue, the moderate Muslims tend to employ modern reference in building their arguments on the ideal form of state in Islam. Such methodological reference usually leads to the conclusion that Islam does not provide a prescriptive and conclusive clue of what an ideal form of the state in Islam constitutes. The radicals, however, tend to pull some keywords out of the sacred texts in literal sense to be treated as the ideological basis for an Islamic state. This can be seen, among others, in the case of Caliphate doctrine as propagated by HTI as a translation of the word khila> fah LQ WKH 4XU·D> n. 26 Be that as it may, drawing a firm line between the radical Muslims from moderate ones can be theoretically misleading. This is because each group does not apply its methodological approach strictly and consistently. The most current condition of Indonesian Islam has been characterized by the tendency of mutual exchange in methodology between the two poles. There are times when the radicals are convenient with contextual approach in understanding a particular religious doctrine. On the contrary, there are times when the moderates feel comfortable with literal approach. This can be seen, for instance, from the fact that a great number of radicals are no longer bothered with the use of modern technology, whereas their fellow moderates can be quite conservative in accepting modern technology.

,Q 6HDUFK IRU ,QGRQHVLD·V ,VODPLF 0RGHUDWLVP
Theological system which is in itself sufficient to support the conceptual framework and praxis of religious mode of moderatism would be sine qua non ZLWKLQ WKH ODQGVFDSH RI ,QGRQHVLD·V ,VODPLF moderatLVP ,W PXVW HPDQDWH WKH FRXQWU\·V SXEOLF VSKHUH LI LW ZLVKHV WR provide a moderate vision of Islam. So far the concept of Islamic moderatism has been juxtaposed with external modalities such as cultural-VSLULWXDO KHULWDJH RI WKH QDWLRQ·V SUHGHFHVVRUV SXOOed out from non-Islamic elements. It is time now that an authentic version of Islamic moderatism must be drawn from within the internal sources of Islam in order to formulate a blue-SLQW IRU ,QGRQHVLD·V ,VODPLF moderatism, that is, an internal modalities-based version of religious moderatism.
Nuhammadiyah and NU must be acknowledged as religious organizations that pioneered the making of moderate mode of religiosity regardless the complexity to put this mode into practice. The formulation of such a blue-print is inspired directly by normative values in Islam on the one side. This formulation, however, suffers IURP WKH ODFN RI ´WKLFN WKHRORJLFDO GHVFULSWLRQµ ZKLFK JXLGHV WKH pattern of Islamic moderatism in a more thoughtful but practical manner. In spite of this shortcoming, this formulation can be seen as a ´ORFDO JHQLXVµ RI DFWXDOL]DWLRQ RI UHOLJLRXV GRFWULQHV ZKLFK PD\ QRW EH found in any part of the Muslim world. In a more or less similar IRUPDWLRQ 0DOD\VLD KDV WKH IRUPXODWLRQ RI ´Hadhari ,VODPµ D QRPHQclature of Islamic thinking specifically designed to accommodate an ideological battle between the dimension of al-as} a> lah (authenticity) and the dimension of al-h} ad} a> rah (modern contemporary civilization) in religion. 27 Almost similar to the formulation of Hadhari Islam in Malaysia, WKLV FRXQWU\ KDV DOVR ZLWQHVVHG D UHOLJLRXV DUWLFXODWLRQ FDOOHG ´masyarakat madaniµ VLPSO\ WUDQVODWHG DV FLYLO VRFLHW\ 28 The interesting thing DERXW ´masyarakat madaniµ LV WKDW DOWKRXJK WKH WHUP GRHV QRW FDUU\ religious connotation, its connotation has been much religious because it is directly inspired by normative Islam. Initiated by a group of modernist Muslim intellectuals-scholars in early 1990s, ´masyarakat madaniµ KDV EHFRPH D QRPHQFODWXUH RI ,VODPLF SROLWLFV SUDLVed by PDQ\ WR UHSUHVHQW WKH PRGHO RI ,QGRQHVLD·V ,VODPLF FLYLOLW\ µMasyarakat madaniµ UHSUHVHQWV DQ RYHUZKHOPLQJ VSURXW RI 0XVOLP PLGGOHclass on the stage of national politics, where they had been marginalized by the state in the Old Order and early New Order era. 0RUH LPSRUWDQWO\ ´masyarakat madaniµ UHSUHVHQWV WKH YHUVLRQ RI moderate Islam that combines dimension of modernity and dimension of primordial religious identity.
Viewed from its long historical journey since the acceptance of Pancasila as the only ideological foundation of the state in the 1984 Situbondo Congress³lately popularly known as The Return to the 1926 Khittah³NU has shown the pendulum movement of its religiosity into the middle-ground moderatism. The historical journey of Nahdliyin (the followers of NU) has shown a fairly extreme degree of intensity and ups-and-downs as well as diverse internal dynamic. In its latest development, NU has even received ideological challenges from hard-liner Muslims to question the normative foundation of Islamic moderatism.
In order to support the foundation of Islamic moderatism, some outstanding NU founding scholars (kyais)³such as KH. Achmad 6LGGLT .+ $OL 0DNVXP .+ $V·DG 6\DPVXO $ULILQ DQG RWKHUV³have formulated a road-map to the doctrine of Islamic moderatism which is called as the theology of ahl al-sunnah wa al-jama> ·DK (frequently abbreviated as Aswaja). 29 The literal meaning of aswaja is the holder of WKH 3URSKHW·V SDWKZD\ DQG FRPPXQLRQ which is a kind of code of piety shown by the Prophet, his Companions and pious predecessors (al-salaf al-s} a> lih} ) expected to guarantee the purest form of religion. 30 7KH WKHRORJLFDO FRQVWUXFW RI 18·V PRGHUDWLVP LV EROVWHUHG E\ WKH GRFWULQDO ´WULORJ\µ DV IROORZV al-tawassut} (moderation or middleground), L ¶tida> l (straight-path, neither left nor right leaning), and al-tawa> zun (equilibrium, fairness in treating the worldly affairs and the hereafter). 31 The concept of al-tawassut} is derived from a verse of the 4XU·D> n (2: 143), L ¶tida> l is from, 5: 8), and al-tawa> zun is from QS al-H{ adi> d: 25. The manifestation of the thee principles and characteristics mentioned above, according to some NU kyais, must be explicitly exposed in all key aspects of Islam such as faith (`aqi> dah), Islamic law (shari! mah), tas} awwuf (Sufi) and akhla> q (social ethics), PX·D> s} arah (social conduct), in the field of nation-state, culture and civilization, Islamic propagation (da`wah), and some other sectors. 32 As a modality, the formulation of Aswaja serves only as an embryo for the making of the blue-print, and not the blue-print itself. It is not an ideal formulation that accommodates all new tendencies in far more 29  complex and challenging religious life. In accompaniment of the religious formulation of NU and pesantren is the use of some other methodological apparatus to approach Islam through the two pristine VRXUFHV WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th. The methodological approach comprises us} ul al-fiqh (principles of jurisprudence) and other methodological apparatus such as mas} lahah (public good), istih} san (utility), istih} sab (recommended norms), qawl s} ah} a> bi> (legal opinions of the 3URSKHW·V &RPSDQLRQV shadd al-dhara> ·L ¶ (closing the direction to sins), and so forth. 33 The use of the above methodological apparatus in the stream of religious thought in NU circles can be analogized as a double-edged sword. On the one side it tends to eternalize religious orthodoxy as a UHVXOW RI LQGLUHFW UHIHUHQFLQJ V\VWHP WRZDUGV WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th. Such an indirect referencing system, however, can generate the room of experimentation and articulation of thinking that can, in turn, lead to the making of creativeness and freedom of thinking by utilizing the methodological apparatus particularly during the Islamic law making process (istinba> t} ). It has to be admitted that the intellectual tradition of NU is created due to the habitual rehearsals of these intellectual exercises in responding and solving some contemporary issues. This, in turn, leads to the making of intellectual tradition among the younger generation of NU that produce groundbreaking approaches that enrich the old paradigm in the horizon of intellectual methodology among the older generation of NU. The tendency of progressive, or even liberal, intellectual tradition among the younger Nahdliyin (the followers of NU) represents the functioning of the methodological apparatus in the dialectics of contemporary Islamic thought in Indonesia. 34 33 There is an intellectual tradition of NU in approaching and solving contemporary issues called /DMQDK %DKWVXO 0DVD·LO, in which three methodological approaches used by the kyais in the new law making process: 1) qawli> (result) approach; 2) ilh} a> qi> (analogy) approach, and; 3) manha> ji> (methodology) approach. For further information about this, see, Ahmad Zahro, 7UDGLVL ,QWHOHNWXDO 18 /DMQDK %DKWVXO 0DVD·LO -1999(Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2004 On the other side, the appreciation towards the use of methodological apparatus and the tradition of Islamic thinking as much developed by the younger generation of NU have received less attention among the followers and members of Muhammadiyah, due WR WKH GHHS LQVWLWXWLRQDOL]DWLRQ RI WKH VORJDQ µWKH UHWXUQ WR WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> thµ (al-ruju> · LOD> al-4XU·D> n wa al-H{ adi> th). 35 This does not necessarily mean that the younger generation of Muhammadiyah do not arise the same awareness as that of the younger generation of NU in revitalizing the spirit of revivalism (tajdi> d). In responding to the stagnation of reform movement, some concerned younger generation of the Muhammadiyah founded a similar association as NU younger JHQHUDWLRQ·V -DULQJDQ ,VODP /LEHUDO /LEHUDO ,VODP 1HWZRUN FDOOHG Jaringan Intelektual Muda Muhammadiyah, abbreviated as JIMM, (Network of Muhammadiyah Young Intellectuals). Founded by some progressive young generation of Muhammadiyah such as Zuly Qadir, Abd Rahim Ghozali, Hilman Latief, and others on 9 October 2003, JIMM wishes to bring the revivalist spirit back home to Muhammadiyah. 36 Interestingly, in the context of Indonesian Islam, the use of methodological apparatus in the process of reform actually had been introduced for the first time by Muhammadiyah, not NU. 37 The founding of Muhammadyah was inspired by the misery of some Muslim elites in response to the backwardness of the Muslim community as a whole. It is this misery that in turn inspired the embryo of the reform movement of Islamic thought (tajdi> d and ijtiha> d), where in NU circle it had been considered closed since the third Hijriyah century. 38 Without the pioneering movement undertaken by Muhammadiyah, it is impossible to see the moderate face of Islam as can be seen today. Thanks to this organization, the idea of reform has become a familiar vocabulary for Indonesian Muslims. Due to its real 35 Moenawar Chalil, Kembali kepada Al-4XU·DQ GDQ DV-Sunnah (Djakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1956). contribution, it is not exaggerating that Muhammadiyah was attributed as a modernist organization in the country. 39 The attribution of Muhammadiyah as a modernist organization is due to its positive vision toward modernity. Through its methodological apparatus, i.e. tajdi> d, Muhammadiyah started to launch a series of reform movement within the body of Indonesian Islam. Despite strong resisteQFH IURP WKH WUDGLWLRQDOLVW 0XVOLPV WKH 0XKDPPDGL\DK·V reform has been at the point of no return, and later proved to appeal the sympathy and membership from the traditionalist Muslims. One of the examples of the Muhammadiyah reform movement that was rejected by the traditionalists but now becomes commonplace is the change of sermon language of Friday prayers and two Ied prayers from Arabic³as had been commonplace among traditionalists³into local and national languages. 40 In addition to functioning as a stepping stone for reform move-PHQW WKH VORJDQ ´WKH UHWXUQ WR WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> WK µ KRZHYHU PD\ function as a factor that causes stagnation for Muhammadiyah reform movement. 41 Like a double-edged sword, this slogan has played two roles at once. On the one side, this slogan has played its function well as the pioneer of reform movement in Indonesia. But when the reformed version of Islam has been instituted, this slogan can lead to the establishment of religious orthodoxy and make Muhammadiyah puritan in nature. 42 This is one of the most salient characteristics of epistemological traps derived from the VORJDQ ´WKH UHWXUQ WR WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> WK µ 7KH VWDJQDWLRQ RI UHIRUP KDV EHHQ WKH FULWLFDO issue directed to Muhammadiyah, especially when its younger generation unified in JIMM who wish to reinvigorate the spirit of tajdi> d 39 Deliar Noer, The Modernist Muslim Movement in Indonesia: 1900-1942(Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1973 has been resisted and marginalized by the older generation of this reformist organization. 43 In contrast to what Muhammadiyah has undergone, the employment of methodological apparatus among the young Nahdliyyin does not give credits to NU as a reformist or modernist organization, albeit some epistemological leap in the use of methodological means among the young Nahdliyyin thanking to their mobilization in tertiary IRUPDO HGXFDWLRQ )XUWKHUPRUH 18·V WUDGLWLRQDO LGHQWLW\ LV FDXVHG E\ the overwhelming appreciation toward the horizon of classical thought of Muslim scholars as contained in yellow books (kitab kuning) of the pesantren. 44 It is due to this reason that the Nahdliyyin have been criticized as being traditional in the way they approach and understand Islam and the world.
Regardless its association to the traditional stigmatization, the RYHUZKHOPLQJ UHOLDQFH RQ WKH XVH RI FODVVLFDO 0XVOLP VFKRODUV· KRUL]RQ can serve as a stepping stone toward the epistemological leap in Islamic thinking methodology. This is because everything sometimes can function in two contradictory ways; on the one hand it can function in a negative way, on the other hand it can function as a positive and productive way. On the one hand it can lead to regression buton the other hand it can be the modality toward the progression. This is the analogy of double-edged sword function in explaining both the progressive movement and the regressive one within Muhammadiyah and NU. In relation to the Nahdliyyin·V DSSUHFLDWLRQ WR tradition of classical Islamic thought, their reliance on such a classical tradition can mean a lot to the making of renewal and reform movement among the young Nahdliyyin. 45 Apart from what the above two moderate organizations have achieved, the search for Islamic moderatism in Indonesia needs a more expansive, deeper and more thorough perspective on moderatism which is derived from internal values of classical Islam. It has to be admitted that the concept of Islamic moderatism has not been developed from a strong and detailed theological basis. The concept of Islamic moderatism relies heavily on external aspects of Indonesian culture and society. The externality has dominated the theological construct of Islamic moderatism in Indonesia. The immediate impression from Islamic moderatism in Indonesia, however, is that, it is Indonesian [culture] factor, and not Islam one, that contributes to the making of Islamic moderatism. The fact is that Indonesia has enjoyed its reputation for its abundant tradition of tolerance, respect and harmony. In this context, Islam has come into such an established web of tradition as an outsider that flourishes the local tradition of tolerance.
The attempts at formulating the concept of Islamic moderatism in the end are determined by the way Muslims approach and understand WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th. The return to both sources is epistemologically problematic and deserves due consideration if Muslims wish to achieve an authentic concept of Islamic moderatism. Nevertheless, there are times when Muslims do not have many choices except returning back WR WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th as an ethical basis in developing a more workable concept of Islamic moderatism. It is noteworthy that both radical and moderate Muslims equally treat both of them in a supreme position as the normative basis for developing an appropriate code of conduct. The term ´QRUPDWLYH EDVLV µ KRZHYHU FDQ PHDQ GLIIHUHQWO\ for each of them; starting from the direct reference in literal sense to merely as a source of inspiration. In terms of ethics, there are a lot of things that need a direct referencing to both sources and, therefore, can be accepted as they are; but there are other things that need to be taken in spirit, not in literal sense. It is within this context that the degree of Islamic moderatism will be at stake.
From the above explanation, it can be said that the concept of Islamic moderatism in Indonesia has been developed centripetally. Now, it is the time that the concept must be developed centrifugally in order to maximize the internal sources of Islam as the first reference in producing a blue-print of Islamic moderatism. If the first mode relies on the flexibility of Islam as an outsider to adapt itself to the local condition of the country, the second mode relies on Islam as internal modality to develop a more established blue-print of Islamic moderatism in order to draw its relevance to local condition of Indonesia. It is within this context that what Fazlur Rahman has called DV ´GRXEOH-PRYHPHQWµ DSSURDFK LV ZRUWK UHIHUHQFLQJ WKURXJK EDFNand-forth consultation in terms of reconciling between modernity and traditionalism in the spectrum of Islamic thought. 46

Conclusion
To sum up, Indonesian Islam has a high-profile of moderatism through Muhammadiyah and NU, the two exemplary models of moderatism. The moderate theology of both organizations, however, is no longer sufficient in accommodating the changes and challenges of this modern era. As this article has explained, there are a lot of ways to achieve a more detailed but workable blue-print of IndoneVLD·V ,VODPLF moderatism. It is the time for Indonesian Muslims to prove the world that they have an authentic version of Islamic moderatism which is internally driven. They have to prove that the concept of Islamic moderatism is not a myth, but a down-to-earth reality. In this context, WKH SKHQRPHQRQ RI ´LQWHUQDO FRQYHUVLRQµ RFFXUUHG DPRQJ WKH followers of moderate Islam into radical Islam must be understood as a VHULRXV ´VWULNHµ IRU WKH PRGHUDWH 0XVOLPV ZKR DUH QRW DZDUH RI formulating a more established but workable blue-print of Islamic moderatism. What Muhammadiyah and NU have done so far is a pioneering attempt at the making of Islamic moderatism in Indonesia. Nevertheless, their formulation of moderatism is due to the internal demand of Muslims to create a theological system that fits in with the local condition of Indonesia.
For Muhammadiyah, it is imperative that the followers and or members of this organization must revive the spirit of reform (tajdi> d) as its branding image since the beginning in order to formulate a theologically more firmed basis for Islamic moderatism. It must be acknowledged that this organization has done a lot for initiating the mode of Islamic moderatism though a series of reform movement in early 1920s. But the overwhelming reliance on the slogan of the return WR WKH 4XU·D> n and H{ adi> th can kill the inner capacity of this organization to develop a more sustainable project on Islamic moderatism from within.
For NU, likewise, the formulation of such key-terms as tawassut} , tawa> zun, L·WLGD> l and tasa> muh} has to be appreciated as an initial stage in developing a more established blue-print of Islamic moderatism. This formulation, however, is perceived by some radical Muslims as a ´QHLWKHU-QRUµ IRUPXODWLRQ ZKLFK VWDQGV LQ QR-where position within the spectrum of Islamic thought. Some even consider that formulation as less or downgraded version of Islam and, therefore, needs further HODERUDWLRQ DQG ´REMHFWLYLFDWLRQµ DW SUDFWLFDO OHYHO ,Q VKRUW WKH moderation principle developed by NU tends to create less committed character in religiosity. This formulation is likewise not sufficient if NU wishes to contribute to the betterment of the nation. The good principle of moderation should reflect a rigorous commitment to upholding the normative values of Islam without necessarily losing the very characteristic of its civility.
7KH ,VODPLF PRGHUDWLVP SURMHFW DERYH DOO VKRXOG VWDUW ´IURP ZLWKLQ µ ,W LV D PDWWHU RI IDFW WKDW VXFK FRPPRQ GHQRPLQDWRUV DV Pancasila, UUD 1945, NKRI, and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika³better known as four pillars³are cultural emblems that convey the message of moderation. These cultural emblems, however, have been developed ´IURP ZLWKRXWµ WKDW ODFN D VHQVH RI EHLQJ DXWKHQWLF LQ WHUPV RI religious identity. On the contrary, the formulation of Islamic PRGHUDWLVP ´IURP ZLWKLQµ ZLOO JXDUDQWHH WKH VHQVH RI DXWKHQWLFLW\ among the Muslim community. By doing so, the foundation of Islamic moderatism in Indonesia will engender a more sustainable Islamic moderatism since it stands on a firm theological ground. []